In: Peace and conflict: journal of peace psychology ; the journal of the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict, and Violence, Peace Psychology Division of the American Psychological Association, Band 29, Heft 2, S. 82-86
Abstract Home arrest (HA), an alternative rehabilitative sentence to the more punitive disposal of imprisonment, is utilised in a range of ways by criminal justice regimes across the world. However, its implementation contains the potential for intimate political intrusion. This paper engages with forty-one testimonials gathered from Palestinian children, young people (aged 12–18 years) and their families, examining their experiences under HA in Occupied East Jerusalem. The analysis of their voices reveals how HA has affected children and young people's intimate spaces, psyches and behaviour, and dismembered their relationships and sense of belonging. It simultaneously uncovers creative manifestations of freedom and the refusal to accept HA's destructive consequences. The paper draws on children's own understandings of HA as a violent technology of control, rethinks the role of social work in violent contexts and offers new insights on intervention. It suggests that in settler colonial militarised contexts, HA serves as a racialised disciplinary practice that poses major ethical challenges for critical social work practice. The paper concludes by underscoring the importance of encouraging social workers to engage with the anti-oppressive social work agenda and to examine their positions and ethics in politically complex realities.
In the unrecognised Bedouin villages in the Naqab, Palestinians suffer from state negligence, deprived of equal representation and access to essential services like healthcare and education. Whereas previous scholarship points to cultural, lifestyle, or societal conditions to account for the trends of poor health and education in Bedouin communities, this article seeks to identify the underlying structures of dispossession that produce everyday obstacles to the livelihoods of Palestinian children. Student dropout rates or socially threatening behavior amongst Bedouin children is misrepresented as stemming from Bedouin society rather than from biopolitical attempts to use children as politicised tools within a settler colonial society. In analyzing Israeli policy and testimonies collected from children living under these conditions, I argue that the advancement of a culture of blaming for this exploitation and impoverishment furthers eliminatory efforts against native Palestinians and reveals the culpability of the state in the technologies of violence in the lives of Bedouin children.
This article examines the Nakba Bill as a site to uncover dispossession, surveillance and control over Palestinians. To begin, the article argues that the Palestinian Nakba is both a historical event in which the majority of the Palestinian nation was forced into exile, and a larger, ongoing settler colonial structure that continues to mark the everyday lives of Palestinians inside Israel, the Occupied Territories and in exile. My examination of the Nakba Bill suggests that the Bill represents a harmful weapon that operates to distinguish between a human group that has the right to commemorate its losses and a non-human group that has no right to historical memory or commemoration. The Nakba Bill carries with it the power to provoke psychological damage, as it aims at erasing Palestinian history and rejecting the right to mourn the unacknowledged and continuous injustice and abuses against the Palestinian nation. The article concludes by arguing that the Bill is a continuation of the Zionist legal history that has evicted Palestinians from their homeland, both physically and psychologically, and as such, it attempts to deny a Palestinian narrative of exile, dispossession and collective trauma.
Grounded in my own position as a Palestinian feminist born and raised in Haifa, this paper delves into the nature of feminism for Palestinian women in the Jewish settler colonial state by asking three main questions: How does the complex socio-political reality of settler colonialism reflect itself in the lives and status of Palestinian women living in Israel? What kind of critical feminist theorizing is needed from Palestinian feminists in Israel? How can we analyze and confront the racism of the historical silence of the majority of Israeli feminists towards the historical injustice and current violence faced by Palestinian feminists? The paper underlines the importance of widening the critical feminist lens to account for the physics of power and calls for (a) the deconstruction of feminisms that have refused to regard the Nakba as a focal analytical and actual source of feminist theorization and (b) defiance in the face of global, regional, and local amnesia towards the Palestinian right to life in the face of Israel's necropolitical regime of control.
Children living in conflict zones witness violence, loss of loved ones, killing, injury, and displacement, experiencing fear and loss of protection in their communities—experiences likely to affect the children for the remainder of their lives. This article examines one aspect of the violent conflict in the Palestinian Occupied Territories-West Bank, the way Palestinian children perceive and react to the effect of Israeli military occupation as reflected in the presence and ongoing construction of the Israeli Separation Wall, illustrating traditional views of children as passive victims of political violence and moving instead to view children as agents of change and mobilization. Via writing compositions, focus group discussions, the children's own photographs, and participatory observation research data, the author contextualizes both the "extended scene" and the immediate moment(s) of Palestinian children facing the Israeli Separation Wall, letting the children's own words, narratives, and photos speak for themselves; they do their own witnessing.