This biography chronicles the life of Elizabeth Upham Yates who fostered a kind of "American dream" for the single, educated woman in the industrial era. She served as a missionary to China, and then blazed women's suffrage and temperance campaign trails for thirty years as the protege of Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, and Frances Willard.
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Embodying Cape Town -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- Works Cited -- 2 Making Englishness -- Architecture as Experimentation -- Meaning and Architecture -- Making Imperial Englishness -- Cape Colonial Architecture -- Gender and the Performance of Architecture -- Conclusion -- Works Cited -- 3 Forgetting District Six -- The Politics of Reclamation -- Memory and Embodiment -- The District That Was -- Beginning Well in Rooms -- Standing "Saam" -- Kroes Hare -- Playing in the Streets -- Conclusion -- Works Cited -- 4 Redistributing Personhood -- Unmaking -- Original Shame -- A Movement and an Icon -- Miscast -- Specimens Talk Back -- A Funeral of Sorts -- Conclusion -- Note -- Works Cited -- 5 Alternative by Design -- Technopolitics and the Modern Telos -- The Toilet War -- The Aesthetics of Waste in Europe -- The City of Stinks -- Modernizing Discrimination -- Toilets for Africans -- Conclusion -- Works Cited -- Index
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The U.S. drug overdose crisis has been described as a national disaster that has affected all communities. But overdose rates are higher among some subpopulations and in some places than they are in others. This article describes demographic (sex, racial/ethnic, age) and geographic variation in fatal drug overdose rates in the United States from 1999 to 2020. Across most of that timespan, rates were highest among young and middle-age (25–54 years) White and American Indian males and middle-age and older (45+ years) Black males. Rates have been consistently high in Appalachia, but the crisis has spread to several other regions in recent years, and rates are high across the urban-rural continuum. Opioids have been the main contributor, but overdoses involving cocaine and psychostimulants have also increased dramatically in recent years, demonstrating that our problem is bigger than opioids. Evidence suggests that supply-side interventions are unlikely to be effective in reducing overdoses. I argue that the U.S. should invest in policies that address the upstream structural drivers of the crisis.
This study investigates rural-urban differences in COVID-19 in terms of its impacts on the physical and mental health, social relationships, employment, and financial hardship of U.S. working-age adults (18–64). I use data from the National Wellbeing Survey collected in February and March 2021 ( N = 3,933). Most respondents (58 percent) reported that COVID-19 has had a negative impact on their lives. Residents of rural counties adjacent to metro areas reported the worst outcomes: they were more likely than residents of large urban counties to report positive tests for coronavirus; to live with someone who tested positive or have a close friend or family member outside of the household test positive; to have a close friend or family member hospitalized; to seek treatment for anxiety or depression; to be late paying rent, mortgage, and other bills; to not be able to afford groceries or other necessities; and to get a loan from family or friends. Recovery policies must consider geographic variation in COVID-19 vulnerability and impacts.
In: Journal of social issues: a journal of the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, American Psychological Association, Band 75, Heft 1, S. 238-266
AbstractA neoliberal medicalized framework shapes society's understanding of distress as a disease or disorder and places the responsibility on individuals to "fix" themselves, situating the problem within a person, rather than in a sociopolitical context. This framework has become increasingly prevalent in Western society and has permeated rape crisis centers (RCCs), which play a vital role supporting sexual violence survivors. The goal of the present study was to explore the impact of a neoliberal medicalized discourse on RCC clinicians' understandings of survivor distress. Interpretative phenomenological analysis was employed. Six RCC clinicians were interviewed. Analysis revealed four master themes:Wielding the Double‐Edged Sword of the Medical Model,Navigating the Healing Process with Survivors,Stay in Your Lane: The Role of the RCC, andUnderstanding and Honoring Survivor Shame. Recommendations for researchers and clinicians working with survivors are provided pertaining to how to (1) critically adopt medical neoliberalism, (2) empower survivors with medication information, and (3) employ alternatives to individual counseling to foster healing. Suggestions for future research are also provided.
This article presents a mixed methods study exploring a legislative trend toward the use of restorative justice practices in correctional settings. Results indicate that the percentage of Black residents in a state, the percentage of female legislators in a state legislature, and a state's incarceration rates are predictive of more supportive restorative justice policy adoptions at the state level, while controlling for other explanations. The study weighs political and economic considerations in the adoption of policies with the potential to reduce overincarceration and suggests that at least some contemporary criminal justice police making is motivated by changing constructions of justice.
Over time neighbourhoods have shown opposition to Government subsidized housing programmes being developed within their neighbourhoods. This is due to the perceived negative impacts that these housing developments have on the neighbourhood. Opposition has grown since implementation of the Housing Code of 2009. The Code aims to integrate low income households into more affluent areas, in order to provide these households with greater access to economic and social opportunities, which they were previously denied having been placed on the urban periphery. Opponents to subsidized housing developments have nevertheless expressed concerns with a possible decline in property values. These concerns are however based on perception, rather than factual evidence to this effect. There is a paucity of studies on the topic within the South African context. While there are a number of studies on the topic within other countries, the results cannot be generalized due to the difference in demographics, housing subsidy programmes and structure of the City of Cape Town. An analysis of the impact within the City of Cape Town context may thus be beneficial. This paper analysed the impacts of Residential Development Programme (RDP) housing and Social Housing (rental) projects, as these are the subsidized housing developments that have received the most opposition. The paper has thus used a Difference-in-Difference Hedonic Pricing Model analysis to determine the neighbourhood impacts of subsidized housing on the property values of surrounding neighbourhoods. RDP housing was estimated to have a negative effect on proximate property values, while Social Housing was estimated to have no effect. It is recommended that future developments are aesthetically appealing, have landscaping, are well maintained and are well integrated with the surrounding community. These efforts should also be well communicated to the host communities during the public participation events. Further analysis is required to determine the cause of the negative effects of the RDP development to ensure that these are mitigated in future RDP projects. These may allow the State to provide the much-needed housing opportunities, with limited opposition from the host communities.
AbstractMuch of the academic literature and policy discussions about sustainable development and climate change adaptation focus on poor and developing nations, yet many tribal communities inside the United States include marginalized peoples and developing nations who face structural barriers to effectively adapt to climate change. There is a need to critically examine diverse climate change risks for indigenous peoples in the United States and the many structural barriers that limit their ability to adapt to climate change. This paper uses a sustainable climate adaptation framework to outline the context and the relationships of power and authority, along with different ways of knowing and meaning, to illustrate the underpinnings of some tribes' barriers to sustainable climate adaptation. The background of those structural barriers for tribes is traced, and then the case of water rights and management at the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming is used to illustrate the interplay of policy, culture, climate, justice, and limits to adaptation. Included is a discussion about how the rulings of the Big Horn general stream adjudication have hindered tribal climate change adaptation by limiting the quantity of tribal reserved water rights, tying those rights to the sole purposes of agriculture, which undermines social and cultural connections to the land and water, and failing to recognizing tribal rights to groundwater. Future climate projections suggest increasing temperatures, and changes in the amount and timing of snowpack, along with receding glaciers, all of which impact water availability downstream. Therefore, building capacity to take control of land and water resources and preparing for climate change and drought at Wind River Reservation is of critical importance.
AbstractHispanics have the lowest health insurance rates of any racial or ethnic group, but rates vary significantly across the United States. The unprecedented growth of the Hispanic population since 1990 in rural areas with previously small or nonexistent Hispanic populations raises questions about disparities in access to health insurance coverage. Identifying spatial disparities in Hispanic health insurance rates can illuminate the specific contexts within which Hispanics are least likely to have health care access and inform policy approaches for increasing coverage in different spatial contexts. Using county‐level data from the 2009–13 American Community Survey, I find that early new destinations (i.e., those that experienced rapid Hispanic population growth during the 1990s) have the lowest Hispanic adult health insurance coverage rates, with little variation by metropolitan status. Conversely, among the most recent new destinations that experienced significant Hispanic population growth during the first decade of the 2000s, metropolitan counties have Hispanic health insurance rates that are similar to established destinations, but rural counties have Hispanic health insurance rates that are significantly lower than those in established destinations. Findings demonstrate that the new destination disadvantage is driven entirely by higher concentrations of immigrant noncitizen Hispanics in these counties, but labor market conditions were salient drivers of the spatially uneven distribution of foreign‐born noncitizen Hispanics to new destinations, particularly in rural areas.
The modern administrative state relies on a model of shared governance. Federal regulatory regimes addressing a range of economic and social issues depend on the participation of state governments for their implementation. Although these state-federal partnerships are often cooperative, conflicts over the allocation of regulatory authority and administrative policy are inevitable. In recent years, states have sought to resolve some of these conflicts in the federal courts. Well-known state challenges to federal authority include challenges to environmental rules, health insurance legislation, and immigration policies. In these cases, courts have struggled to decide whether states have constitutional standing to bring suit against the federal government. This Article fills a gap in the legal scholarship by proposing a "governance" approach to state standing that would allow states to challenge federal authority when the federal statute at issue contemplates an implementation role for state governments. The governance approach finds support both in historical precedent and in modern regulatory reality. The approach makes state-standing doctrine less susceptible to judicial manipulation and ensures that courts focus on other threshold questions often obscured by overly broad, incoherent standing analyses.
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 129, Heft 4, S. 731-732
Summary This Qualitative Interpretive Meta Synthesis (QIMS) develops a more complete understanding of the lived experience of serving a Life Without Parole (LWOP) sentence by synthesizing the results of existing qualitative studies focused on this population. The four studies selected for this QIMS contain interviews with 86 male prisoners serving a sentence of LWOP. The current synthesis uses phenomenology and grounded theory as methods to obtain a new understanding from the limited data on this specialized vulnerable population. Findings The conceptual model emerging from this QIMS indicates that prisoners experience the sentence of LWOP with feelings of deep loss which mimic the grief response of the dying patient as described by Kubler-Ross (1969). Upon the initial shock of sentencing and imprisonment, inmates pass through stages of denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and ultimately, acceptance. In order to cope with the harsh reality of life imprisonment, 'lifers' find ways to exercise personal choice, keep a positive outlook, and forge meaning from their sufferings. Those who are successful in these tasks discover great resilience. Applications This synthesis suggests that the application of grief and resilience theories may be relevant with prisoners and other similarly marginalized populations coping with extraordinary loss of self. Given the potential of inmates in this study to discover personal resilience and engage in attempts at social reconciliation, policy makers should consider whether a sentence of LWOP shortchanges both inmates and society.