Suchergebnisse

Enters a methodological debate with Bean and Butler, regarding their article 'Uniformity in Australian Electoral Patterns : The 1990 Federal Election in Perspective.' Includes a response. (SJK)

Patterns of partisan competition in the party system of six Australian states (New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, & Western Australia) are examined, 1945-1986, examining the extent to which state party systems differ by looking at a number of indicators summarizing patterns of partisan support in elections & legislatures, including indices of bypartyism (ie, the extent to which a system is dominated by its two largest parties), one-party dominance, party system stability, & fractionalization. Analysis of statistical data (Hughes, Colin A., & Graham, B. D., [Eds] A Handbook of Australian Politics & Government 1890-1964 (Canberra: Australian National U Press, 1968) reveals that, in spite of the dichotomizing tendencies of a parliamentary system, electoral competition in the Australian states is characterized by a strong tendency to disperse multipartyism rather than simple bipartyism, although the individual states occupy varying positions within this range. 5 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

PROVINCIAL CONSTITUTIONAL DOCUMENTS HAVE NOT USUALLY BEEN THE SUBJECT OF SCRUTINY BY THOSE CONCERNED WITH THE GOVERNMENTAL PROCESS AT THE PROVINCIAL LEVEL. IT HAS BEEN ASSUMED THAT THE MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS OF PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT HAVE BEEN SHAPED BY CONSTITUTIONAL RULES DERIVED FROM THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICA ACT AND FROM THE CONVENTIONS OF BRITISH-STYLE PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. A CASE STUDY OF THE BRITISH COLUMBIA CONSTITUTION ACT SHOWS THAT SUCH ASSUMPTIONS ARE ONLY PARTIALLY TRUE. THE POWERS OF THE PROVINCES TO SHAPE THEIR GOVERNMENTAL STRUCTURES THROUGH CONSTITUTIONAL ADAPTATION ARE EXTENSIVE AND HAVE BEEN USED IN THE CASE OF BRITISH COLUMBIA TO MAKE BROAD MODIFICATIONS TO THE STYLE OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE PROVINCE SINCE ITS ENTRY TO CONFEDERATION IN 1871. IT IS NOT THAT THE TERM PROVINCIAL CONSTITUTION SHOULD BECOME A HOUSEHOLD WORD BUT THAT THE INVESTIGATION OF THE OPERATION AND POTENTIAL OF PROVINCIAL CONSTITUTIONS SHOULD BE SEEN AS AN ESSENTIAL COMPONENT TO AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTAL PROCESS.

THE AUTHORS USED DATA FROM THE 1993 "AUSTRALIAN ELECTION STUDY" TO TEST WHETHER THE AUSTRALIAN STATES HAVE DISCERNIBLE REGIONAL POLITICAL CULTURES. RESPONSES FROM THE 1993 STUDY DEALING WITH POLITICAL EFFICACY, INVOLVEMENT, AND TRUST WERE ANALYZED IN A VARIETY OF WAYS TO SEE IF SIGNIFICANT STATE DIFFERENCES EMERGED. NO SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES COULD BE FOUND FOR TWO OF THE THREE COMPONENTS OF REGIONAL POLITICAL CULTURE--POLITICAL EFFICACY AND INVOLVEMENT. FOR POLITICAL TRUST, HOWEVER, RESPONDENTS FROM THE VARIOUS STATES DID SHOW DIFFERENCES IN ATTITUDES. THIS EFFECT WAS ACCENTUATED WHEN RESPONDENTS WERE ABLE TO DIFFERENTIATE BETWEEN TRUST IN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND TRUST IN THE STATE GOVERNMENT. THESE FINDINGS RAISE METHODOLOGICAL QUESTIONS ABOUT THE NOTION OF REGIONAL POLITICAL CULTURE AND ABOUT THE BROADER ISSUE OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN INDIVIDUAL ATTITUDES, POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, AND THE PERSISTENCE OF FEDERALISM.

Sharman, Hughes and Tuffin claim that its fundamental characteristics derive not from interaction with the broader political context but from the inherent logic of the constitutional system. Tests this argument by comparing Australian state premiers with their Canadian provincial counterparts. (Abstract amended)