Did sexual abnormality set the stage for the end of France's presumed "natural" domination of Algeria? The Algerian revolution for independence coincided with the sexual revolution in France, and in this book Todd Shepard argues that these two movements are inextricably linked.Sex, France, and Arab Men is a history of how and why from the upheavals of French Algeria in 1962 through the 1970s highly sexualized claims about Arabs were omnipresent in important public French discussions, both those that dealt with sex and those that spoke of Arabs. Shepard explores how the so-called sexual revolution took shape in a France profoundly influenced by the ongoing effects of the Algerian revolution. Shepard's analysis of both events alongside one another provides a frame that renders visible the ways that the fight for sexual liberation, usually explained as an American and European invention, developed out of the worldwide anticolonial movement of the mid-twentieth century
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Did sexual abnormality set the stage for the end of France's presumed "natural" domination of Algeria? The Algerian revolution for independence coincided with the sexual revolution in France, and in this book Todd Shepard argues that these two movements are inextricably linked. Sex, France, and Arab Men is a history of how and why from the upheavals of French Algeria in 1962 through the 1970s highly sexualized claims about Arabs were omnipresent in important public French discussions, both those that dealt with sex and those that spoke of Arabs. Shepard explores how the so-called sexual revolution took shape in a France profoundly influenced by the ongoing effects of the Algerian revolution. Shepard's analysis of both events alongside one another provides a frame that renders visible the ways that the fight for sexual liberation, usually explained as an American and European invention, developed out of the worldwide anticolonial movement of the mid-twentieth century
PART ONE Introduction: Decolonization, from Unimaginable to Inevitable -- What Is Decolonization? -- The Varieties of Imperialism -- Interwar Empires: Crisis and Consolidation, 1918--1937 -- World War II: Decolonization Becomes Imaginable -- New International Connections -- European Efforts to Reinvent Overseas Colonialism -- The Cold War, Local Collaborators, and the Slowing Pace of Change -- The Rise of Anticolonial Radicalism -- The International Politics of Decolonization -- Algeria's Decolonization -- The Legacies of Decolonization -- PART TWO The Documents -- 1. 1945--1947: Decolonization Becomes Imaginable -- 1. Winston Churchill, "Hands Off the British Empire," December 31, 1944 -- 2. United Nations, United Nations Charter: Preamble and Declaration concerning Non-autonomous Territories, June 26, 1945 -- 3. Ho Chi Minh, Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, September 2, 1945 -- 4. An Appeal of the Vietnamese Bishops in Favor of the Independence of Their Country, September 23, 1945 -- 2. Defining New International Connections -- 5. Fifth Pan-African Congress, The Challenge to the Colonial Powers, 1945 -- 6. UNESCO, The Statement on Race, July 1950 -- 7. Alfred Sauvy, Three Worlds, One Planet, August 14, 1952 -- 8. First Afro-Asian Conference, Final Communique, April 24, 1955 -- 9. Richard Wright, The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference, 1956 -- 10. Joseph Kirira and Josiah Kariuki, Song of Africa (Kenyan Song), 1957 -- 3. From Possibilities of Independence to Expectations of Liberation -- 11. Song for Murang'a Women (Kenyan Song), ca. 1950 -- 12. Historical Survey of the Origins and Growth of Mau Mau, 1950, 1960 -- 13. Historical Survey of the Origins and Growth of Mau Mau, 1952, 1960 -- 14. Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt's Liberation: The Philosophy of the Revolution, 1955 -- 15. The Shin Bet, The Minorities in Israel, February 26, 1958 -- 16. Georgios Grivas, Report Addressed to Michail Christodolou Mouskos, May 23, 1955 -- 17. Oath of the National Organization of Cypriot Combatants, 1955 -- 4. The Triumph of Anticolonialism -- 18. Mohammed Dib, The Fire, 1954 -- 19. National Liberation Front, Proclamation, November 1, 1954 -- 20. Francois Mitterrand, Speech in Response to FLN Actions, November 12, 1954 -- 21. Slimane Azem, Locust, Leave My Country (Berber Song), 1955 -- 22. Muslim Population of Tebessa, Letter to Robert Lacoste, July 1956 -- 23. Rene Massigli, French Intelligence Analysis of British Public Opinion on the Algerian Conflict, December 1956 -- 24. Charles de Gaulle, Presidential Press Conference, April 11, 1961 -- 25. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 1961 -- 26. Visitor, Lift Up the Torch of United Africa, April 12, 1958 -- 27. Eric Williams, Massa Day Done, March 22, 1961 -- 5. The Contagion of Independence -- 28. Conscience Africaine, Manifesto for Belgian Congo, July 1956 -- 29. ABAKO, Counter Manifesto for Belgian Congo, August 23, 1956 -- 30. Harold Macmillan, "Wind of Change" Speech, February 3, 1960 -- 31. Ingrid Jonker, The Child Who Was Shot Dead by Soldiers at Nyanga, 1960 -- 32. United Nations General Assembly, Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, December 14, 1960 -- 33. Alvim Pereira, Ten Principles, 1961 -- 34. Celina Simango, Speech at the International Women's Congress in Moscow, June 1963 -- 35. Amilcar Cabral, Anonymous Soldiers for the United Nations, December 12, 1962 -- 36. Zhou Enlai, Conversation with S. V. Chervonenko, April 20, 1965 -- 37. Fayez A. Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine, 1965 -- 38. Claudia Jones, The Caribbean Community in Britain, 1964 -- 39. Kwame Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, 1965 -- APPENDIXES -- A Chronology of the Era of Decolonization (1937--1965) -- Questions for Consideration
Most historians let collective memories guide their work, with what needs to be studied already understood to matter. This is particularly true for histories of the recent past, in which primary-source research serves, to quote Michel Foucault, "to refresh memory." Memorial histories are of different types—including nationalist histories, militant histories, and family or group histories—and useful. There are other approaches to studying the past, however, that can help even those committed to memorial practices. This article draws from work by Bonnie G. Smith, Laura Doan, and Foucault to home in on two key historical practices: "primary-source work" and "historiography." A sharper awareness of what these practices are, their possibilities, and, of pressing importance, their limits—what they cannot or tend not to reveal, what they in fact render more difficult to see—could help make debates about presentism more convincing. The article proposes "prospecting" as a way to identify research topics that might stimulate present-day discussions and also engage other scholars.
The footprint of Dagmar Herzog's scholarship has moved from Germany to the United States, then back again, before expanding outwards across Europe as well as to spaces drawn into Europe's orbit by conquest. Historically specific intersections between gender, religion, and politics are her specialty, with sexuality and sex as crucial sightlines in the constantly shifting landscapes that these always-moving parts compose. No historian currently writing in English on the late modern period, arguably, more acutely captures the intensity and conflicts that absorb individuals as well as larger groups as they live in and through these distinct topographies. This she does, in part, through the depth and the breadth of her research, which allow Herzog to reveal connections and disjunctures in ways that grab the reader's attention as well as explain the stakes. Her writings reveal an ability to listen to sources and care about what they intimate that is more often seen in certain scholars of the medieval or other exotic histories that rely on scarce or sketchy sources. For historians of the modern era, between the birth of ideology and ready access to endless and dense types of documentation, what Herzog continues to do is a revelation.
AbstractThe Algerian war resituated the meaning of "Muslims" and "Jews" in France in relation to religion and "origins" and this process reshaped French secular nationhood, with Algerian independence in mid-1962 crystallizing a complex and shifting debate that took shape in the interwar period and blossomed between 1945 and 1962. In its failed efforts to keep all Algerians French, the French government responded to both Algerian nationalism and, as is less known, Zionism, and did so with policies that took seriously, rather than rejected, the so-called ethnoreligious arguments that they embraced—and that, according to existing scholarship, have always been anathema to French laïcité. Most scholars on France continue to presume that its history is national or wholly "European." Yet paying attention to this transnational confrontation, driven by claims from Algeria and Israel, emphasizes the crucial roles of North African and Mediterranean developments in the making of contemporary France.
In March 1962, in the eighth year of the Algerian War, the French government signed off on the Evian Accords, which established a ceasefire as well as a process that led to the July 5 proclamation in Algiers of independence—one hundred and thirty-two years to the day after the Ottoman ruler of that city had surrendered to French invaders. Few people were surprised—the only surprising thing was that ending the French occupation took so long. The end was, after all, inevitable, or so it can seem in retrospect. But the war was long, and its violence was shocking to contemporaries both in its forms—the French Armed Forces' systematic use of torture on suspected nationalists and the embrace of terrorism by the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN)—and its effects: the dead numbered some 17,000 French soldiers, about 3,500 French civilians, and (according to current estimates) between 250,000 and 578,000 Algerians, the vast majority of whom were noncombatants.
SUMMARY: Статья Тодда Шепарда описывает завершение французского колониального правления в Алжире. Анализ сложного процесса деколонизации в статье основывается на изучении семантики и функционирования юридической категории "репатриант", которая присваивалась тем французским гражданам, которые покинули Алжир после заключения перемирия в разгар подготовки к объявлению независимости бывшей колонии. Автор рассматривает эволюцию категорий, с помощью которых французские официальные лица и общественное мнение Франции того времени классифицировали группы населения и проводили новые границы между ними. Проблема завершения имперского управления в Алжире осложнялась тем фактом, что Алжир считался интегральной частью республики и, соответственно, французское гражданство распространялось на эту часть Франции. Первоначальный план разрешения алжирского конфликта предполагал, что после обретения независимости переселения бывшего колониального населения в метрополию не будет. Однако в 1962 г. Алжир покинуло более миллиона человек. Это "неожиданное" перемещение населения сделало необходимым проведение новых границ и переосмысление содержания "французскости". В процессе общественной дискуссии это понятие перестало быть преимущественно юридическим выражением гражданства и обрело культурные коннотации и наследуемые характеристики "европейскости". В значительной степени этот семантический сдвиг явился результатом усилий французского правительства по преодолению напряжения, сложившегося вокруг сообщества pieds noir , посредством ассимиляторской, национально ориентированной политики гражданства. Шепард утверждает, что современное восприятие Франции как европейской страны связано с политикой сравнения, позволившей переопределить сообщество pieds noir как европейское и потому – французское. Эта же политика приводила к исключению из нового понимания "французскости" тех французских граждан, чье происхождение не было европейским. Основываясь на данном примере, автор критикует историографию деколонизации, которая слишком часто использует в качестве базового компаративный подход, выделяющий и сравнивающий монолитные политические и культурные группы, и не учитывает транснациональные связи и флуктуирующие границы.
