The Sodomy Cases: Bowers v. Hardwick and Lawrence v. Texas. By David A. J. Richards. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2009. 232 p. $35.00 cloth, $16.95 paper
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 326-328
ISSN: 1541-0986
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In: Perspectives on politics, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 326-328
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 326-328
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 119, Heft 4, S. 696-697
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 119, Heft 4, S. 696
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 469-473
In the United States, as in most of the world, lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals are outnumbered and despised. Unlike most other potentially political groups, gay people are further disempowered by virtue of being born as if into a diaspora—probably randomly distributed about the population at birth. Their quest for political power is disadvantaged by barriers to the formation of political community as well as by lack of access to significant power resources. The relative political powerlessness of gay people stands in a contradistinction to their depiction by advocates of "traditional values" as a powerful movement advancing a "gay agenda" in American politics.Similarly, the attention paid to the occasional electoral victories of openly lesbian and gay candidates distorts the reality that fewer than one tenth of 1% of all elected officials in the United States are openly lesbian, gay, or bisexual. With only two exceptions—Wisconsin and Minnesota—every state that has passed legislation banning discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is either on the Atlantic Coast or on the Pacific Coast (including Hawaii). Political scientists long have understood that rare local victories—whether they be the enactment of nondiscrimination legislation or the election to office of a member of a group—do not translate into national political power for the group.In the pages that follow, I will attempt to measure the access gay people have to meaningful political resources and to discuss how differential access to these resources disadvantages gay people in the political process.
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 29, S. 469-473
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
Explains reasons for the relatively powerless position of gay people in American politics, including their random distribution throughout the nation, the negative attitudes towards them, and other issues; US.
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 469-473
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
In: American political science review, Band 67, Heft 3, S. 981-982
ISSN: 1537-5943
In: Comparative politics, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 184
ISSN: 2151-6227
In: American political science review, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 1342-1344
ISSN: 1537-5943
In: American political science review, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 1030-1031
ISSN: 1537-5943
In: The public perspective: a Roper Center review of public opinion and polling, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 20-31
ISSN: 1050-5067
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 229-232
"Be careful what you ask for," goes the old adage. "You just might get it." This advice is well-taken by interest groups that successfully press for policy goals at odds with the preferences of the broader population. Victory may be won, but at the expense of awakening widespread opposition and aggravating friend and foe alike.
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 229-232
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965