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By examining the legal treatment of visibly Muslim women, Falguni Sheth uncovers the hidden dynamics of racialized division that have inhabited and bolstered liberal legal neutrality from its inception. Her work studies the experiences of, and responses to, Muslim women of color and Black Muslim women, especially where these women have attempted to use US courts to contest their unfair treatment. Evaluating a wide range of judicial encounters, Unruly Women uncovers a pattern of racialized exclusion from liberal protections. Moreover, it exposes the distinctive ways that courts and other liberal institutions have demanded the self-transformation of individuals who appear unsuited for inclusion into the liberal polity.

The judicial act of dismissal in discrimination cases involving diasporic or minority populations is part of a larger cultural approach to diasporic subjects. Racial dismissal includes judicial as well as larger cultural forms of dismissal, whereby an authority judges a speaker's grievances as implausible or unworthy of consideration, often due to cases of misrecognition or illegibility to a hegemonic culture or authority. Here the author draws on Kristie Dotson's notion of epistemic silencing, which illustrates that grievances from diasporic subjects are dismissed because they fall outside settler-colonial norms, and are apprehended as trivial or illegitimate. Hence, dismissal is based on a sustained and protected misrecognition of diasporic populations.

In this essay, I consider how to conceptualize "diasporic" subjects, namely those whose identities and homes cannot be easily attributed, with regard to the political and racial dynamics of intra‐group tensions, alliances, and divergences of interest. These concerns are important relatives to topics that Critical Race Theorists and Critical Race Feminists have readily addressed, such as the war on terror, the not‐so‐gradual erosion of dignity and rights protections accorded to non‐citizens, and the increasing antagonism, surveillance, and brutality toward Latino and Muslim migrants. As such, the former issues should become central concerns for Critical Race Theorists. In what follows, I want to introduce a framework called "interstitiality" as a way to address them.1

In this article, I explore several of Foucault's claims in relation to race, biopolitics, and power in order to illuminate some concerns in the wake of the post-9.11.01 political regime of population management. First, what is the relationship between sovereignty and power? Foucault's writings on the relation between sovereignty and power seem to differ across his writings, such that it is not clear whether he had definitively circumscribed the role of sovereignty in relation to "power." Second, while central sovereign authority, at least in "Society Must Be Defended" has been displaced by Foucault's analysis of power, the question still remains as to what drives or instantiates the exercise of power. I lay out an account of what I will call "ontopolitics," as one that foregrounds the role of sovereign authority in ascribing racial divisions. Moreover, these divisions are driven by cultural, social, and moral criteria that complement—or circumscribe—biopolitics—and are inscribed at the level of the ontological, or onto-ethical.

This essay expounds upon Hegel's interpretation of Antigone employed by Markell in analyzing recognition, as well as his analysis of the work of Will Kymlicka's work in understanding liberal frameworks with recognition. However, in the latter interpretation, it would not have been possible to interpret acknowledgement rather than recognition. With regards to the example of the Muslim schoolgirls in France, who or what institution recognizes or acknowledges? In addition, utilizing the concept of multiculturalism, in contrast to Markell's analysis, the return to a politics of acknowledgement is not without problems when substituting for the politics of identity theory. Lastly, the issue of terrorism in the United States shows that the acknowledgement of the Muslim immigrants who are arrested without certain rights is in conjunction with the interest of the state. Markell does take a huge step in understanding individuals who have not been recognized in previous movements. Appendixes, References. G. Chen

Apes, essences, and races : what natural scientists believed about human variation, 1700-1900 / Brendan O'Flaherty and Jill S. Shapiro -- The negro science of exchange : classical economics and its Chicago revival / David M. Levy and Sandra J. Peart -- Contextualizing David Levy's How the dismal science got its name, or Revisiting the Victorian context of David Levy's history of race and cconomics / Susan Zlotnick -- John Stuart Mill on race, liberty, and markets / Falguni A. Sheth -- "Not an average human being" : how economics succumbed to racial accounts of economic man / Sandra J. Peart and David M. Levy -- One hundred years of American economists on race and discrimination, 1881-1981 / Robert E. Prasch -- Racial discrimination in the labor market / William A. Darity Jr. and Patrick L. Mason -- Liberty and equality and diversity? : thoughts on liberalism and racial inequality after capitalism's latest triumph / Marcellus Andrews -- The anatomy of racial inequality : a clarification / Glenn C. Loury -- Pragmatism, liberalism, and economic policy / David Colander -- Better recreational drugs : unleashing technology to win the war on bad drugs / Vanita Gowda and Brendan O'Flaherty