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ObjectiveWhy do some Americans trust the World Health Organization (WHO) during the COVID‐19 pandemic, but others do not? To date, there has been no examination of trust in the WHO. Yet the global nature of the pandemic necessitates expanding our scholarship to international health organizations. We test the effects of partisanship, ideology, the cooperative internationalist foreign policy orientation, and nationalism on trust in the WHO and subsequently examine how this trust relates to preventive health behavior.MethodsMultivariate analysis of original survey data from a representative sample of Americans.ResultsDemocrats, liberals, and those with a strong cooperative internationalist foreign policy orientation are more likely to trust the WHO's competence and integrity in responding to the COVID‐19 pandemic while Republicans, conservatives, and nationalists are less likely. Even though trust in the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) has the largest impact on preventive health behaviors, trust in the competence of the WHO is also an important factor. These results remain robust after controlling for other covariates.ConclusionPandemic politics in the United States is polarized along party and ideological lines. However, our results show that a fuller understanding Americans' political trust and health behaviors during COVID‐19 requires taking the international dimensions of the pandemic seriously.

AbstractStudies of recent presidential elections emphasize the importance of personal economic evaluations as well as the growing importance of racial attitudes. Less clear, however, is the degree to which economic evaluations are independent of racial considerations. The election of the first African American president offers a unique opportunity to evaluate how elite cues may trigger racial attitudes, a process called "racialization." Once activated, racial attitudes may become a basis for political evaluations. Despite evidence that racial resentment is a predictor of many political attitudes, there is surprisingly little research exploring relationships between racial resentment and economic evaluations. In this investigation, we examine the influence of racial resentment on personal retrospective and prospective economic evaluations in the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections. These findings have important implications for democratic accountability, particularly in terms of citizens accurately "rewarding or punishing" incumbents based on economic performance.

Objectives: This article explores gender differences in attitudes about the seriousness of the environment as a problem in China using the "2008 China Survey." Methods: We use generalized ordered logit models to analyze survey respondents' environmental attitudes. Results: Our results indicate that there is indeed a "gender gap" in environmental attitudes in China, but the pattern is reversed from what has been generally found in previous work conducted in the United States and Europe. Chinese men, not women, show a greater concern about environmental problems and the seriousness of the environmental degradation in China. Further, we find that this gender gap is based largely in the substantial economic and educational differences between men and women in contemporary China. Conclusions: This study emphasizes the mediating influence of socioeconomic variables in explaining gender attitudes toward the environment in China. Our findings suggest that in different contexts, women may be faced with difficult decisions between immediate economic necessities and long-term environmental concerns. The observed environmental gender gap in China will likely persist unless further economic development results in improved access to education and economic conditions for Chinese women. Adapted from the source document.

ObjectivesThis article explores gender differences in attitudes about the seriousness of the environment as a problem in China using the "2008 China Survey."MethodsWe use generalized ordered logit models to analyze survey respondents' environmental attitudes.ResultsOur results indicate that there is indeed a "gender gap" in environmental attitudes in China, but the pattern is reversed from what has been generally found in previous work conducted in the United States and Europe. Chinese men, not women, show a greater concern about environmental problems and the seriousness of the environmental degradation in China. Further, we find that this gender gap is based largely in the substantial economic and educational differences between men and women in contemporary China.ConclusionsThis study emphasizes the mediating influence of socioeconomic variables in explaining gender attitudes toward the environment in China. Our findings suggest that in different contexts, women may be faced with difficult decisions between immediate economic necessities and long‐term environmental concerns. The observed environmental gender gap in China will likely persist unless further economic development results in improved access to education and economic conditions for Chinese women.

In this article we investigate and compare the theoretical perspectives of presidency-centered versus president-centered accounts of executive veto use—a form of institutional conflict between the executive and legislative branches. We argue that constitutional arrangements between Congress and the executive branch, as well as enduring institutional relationships, better explain this form of institutional conflict than differences between specific presidential admin istrations. Using a disaggregated monthly analysis of presidential vetoes from 1954 to 1992, we compare a series of event count models. We found considerable evidence that presidential vetoes result largely from institutional arrangements and cycles that are beyond the control of individual administrations. In addition, we found little consistent evidence that differences between specific presidents account for executive reliance on the veto when taking institutional relationships into account. Consequently, we provide additional support for the presidency-centered theoretical perspective of executive behavior.

In The Long Southern Strategy, Angie Maxwell and Todd Shields trace the consequences of the GOP's decision to court white voters in the South. Over time, Republicans adopted racially coded, anti-feminist, and evangelical Christian rhetoric and policies, making its platform more southern and more partisan, and the remodel paid off. This strategy has helped the party reach new voters and secure electoral victories, up to and including the 2016 election. Now, in any Republican primary, the most southern-presenting candidate wins, regardless of whether that identity is real or performed. Using an original and wide-ranging data set of voter opinions, Maxwell and Shields examine what southerners believe and show how Republicans such as Donald Trump stoke support in the South and among southern-identified voters across the nation.