Suchergebnisse

In The Long Southern Strategy, Angie Maxwell and Todd Shields trace the consequences of the GOP's decision to court white voters in the South. Over time, Republicans adopted racially coded, anti-feminist, and evangelical Christian rhetoric and policies, making its platform more southern and more partisan, and the remodel paid off. This strategy has helped the party reach new voters and secure electoral victories, up to and including the 2016 election. Now, in any Republican primary, the most southern-presenting candidate wins, regardless of whether that identity is real or performed. Using an original and wide-ranging data set of voter opinions, Maxwell and Shields examine what southerners believe and show how Republicans such as Donald Trump stoke support in the South and among southern-identified voters across the nation.

Angie Maxwell is the Diane D. Blair Professor of Southern Studies and assistant professor of political science at the University of Arkansas.

Objective. Among the existing studies of political participation, few discuss differences between men and women. Of those published, most have focused upon substantive policy preferences, perhaps noting women's newly dominant electoral presence but not probing its characteristics or limits. In this analysis we build on the work of Schlozman, Burns, and Verba (1994) by examining the compound effects of closing dates, state National Voter Registration Act implementation delay, and age upon women and men. Methods. Using the 1996 Current Population Survey Voter Supplement we compare the impact of legal obstacles among different age groups of men and women in the 1996 presidential election. Results. We find that legal restrictions do have a different impact on men and women, especially the youngest and oldest members of the latter group. Conclusions. The most significant implication of our work is that policy efforts aimed at further reducing legal barriers to political participation may facilitate women's growing electoral dominance.

Objective. Among the existing studies of political participation, few discuss differences between men & women. Of those published, most have focused on substantive policy preferences, perhaps noting women's newly dominant electoral presence but not probing its characteristics or limits. In this analysis, we build on the work of Schlozman, Burns, & Verba (1994) by examining the compound effects of closing dates, state National Voter Registration Act implementation delay, & age on women & men. Methods. Using the 1996 Current Population Survey Voter Supplement we compare the impact of legal obstacles among different age groups of men & women in the 1996 presidential election. Results. We find that legal restrictions do have a different impact on men & women, especially the youngest & oldest members of the latter group. Conclusions. The most significant implication of our work is that policy efforts aimed at further reducing legal barriers to political participation may facilitate women's growing electoral dominance. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 43 References. Adapted from the source document.

Scholars have argued that more restrictive registration laws most drastically deter the least educated citizens from political participation. Others, however, argue that the most educated, rather than the least educated, are most drastically impeded by restrictive registration requirements. These opposing conclusions have dramatically different implications concerning registration reform in the United States. In this analysis, we urge scholars to take the arguments made by Nagler more seriously, and we argue that past models have not fully considered the inherently nonlinear functional form of the logit and probit models. Using graphical displays, we show that citizens with moderate levels of education are actually those who are "hardest hit" by restrictive closing dates. Consequently, we moderate all prior conclusions and show evidence that it is neither the most nor the least educated who are the "hardest hit" by early closing dates.

Cover; Contents; List of Illustrations; List of Tables; Acknowledgments; One: Wedge Issues in Presidential Campaigns; Two: The Reciprocal Campaign; Three: Measuring the Persuadable Partisan; Four: Capturing Campaign Persuasion; Five: The Republican Southern Strategy: A Case Study of the Reciprocal Campaign; Six: Candidate Strategy in the 2004 Campaign; Seven: Conclusions: Consequences for Democratic Governance; Appendix 1 Question Wording and Coding; Appendix 2 Content Analysis Coding; Appendix 3 Statistical Results; Bibliography; Index; A; B; C; D; E; F; G; H; I; J; K; L; M; N; O; P; R; S; T.

Some of today's most prominent experts on the American presidency offer their perspectives, commentary, and analyses in this volume of studies, commissioned by the Fulbright Institute of International Relations and the Blair Center of Southern Politics and Culture, both at the University of Arkansas. With a shared focus on Bush's decision-making style, the impact of increasing partisanship, economic issues-especially after the 2008 financial meltdown-and, of course, the cumulative impact of 9/11 and the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, the contributors link their observations and.

"President Bush's victory, the approval of every anti-gay marriage amendment on statewide ballots and an emphasis on 'moral values' among voters showed the power of churchgoing Americans in this election and threw the nation's religious divide into stark relief." Associated Press, November 4, 2004

Objective. In this study, we revisit the ideological‐realignment theory proposed by Abramowitz and Saunders (1998) by assessing the varying impact a person's ideology had on his or her partisan identification for individuals in different regions and between men and women.Method. Through an examination of the NES cumulative data file and the 1992–1994 NES Panel Study, we present a series of tabular findings, an OLS regression model, and partial correlation coefficients to assess these changing subgroup dynamics.Results. Between 1978 and 1994, the impact of a person's ideology on his or her party identification grew in magnitude, while the impact of respondents' parental party identification on their own party identification waned. However, these changes were not felt uniformly throughout the electorate, with Southern white males and Southern white females exhibiting the greatest changes. In the case of Southern white males, racial issues now appear to be related to their party identification.Conclusion. We find support for the ideological‐realignment theory, but find evidence that such changes occurred rather unevenly throughout the electorate, suggesting that different dynamics of realignment may be at work simultaneously.