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Sociological research has demonstrated a keen interest in authenticity by different audiences in a wide variety of social domains. The current study joins recent efforts by both sociologists and pornography scholars to empirically investigate the meaning and importance of authenticity for pornography viewers. It relies on in-depth interviews with 302 regular pornography viewers from a wide range of countries, cultural backgrounds, ethnicities and sexual identities. Findings show that most viewers ascribe significant importance to watching sexual acts that they perceive as authentic, although a significant minority does not find authenticity to be very important. I discuss the implications of these findings to sociological theory and research in fields such as the sociology of culture, the sociology of emotions and the sociology of consumption, reflecting on the challenges that demands for authenticity in pornography pose to feminist ethics.

ObjectivesThis article examines whether newspapers' political leaning affects coverage tone for individuals in the news and whether the gender of the person covered affects this relationship.MethodsI analyze sentiment data on millions of person‐names from more than 200 major American newspapers between the years 2004 and 2009, juxtaposing them with various measurements for the political leaning of these newspapers.ResultsResults show mixed support for the idea that political leaning in the media affects coverage patterns for individuals in the news. While newspapers located in states that are more likely to vote for Republicans cover women in a more negative way, I find no relationship between political leaning scores and coverage sentiment for men.ConclusionsThe study shows mild support for the proposition that relatively liberal newspapers are more likely to cover women and women's issues in a positive way.

Counterterrorist legislation is one of the main ways in which countries, particularly democracies, respond to terror attacks. Yet, there is to date no comprehensive cross-national database of counterterrorist legislation. This article introduces an overarching global counterterrorist legislation database (GCLD), covering more than 1,000 laws in 219 countries and territories over the years 1850-2009. I present the dilemmas and difficulties involved in constructing a global terrorism database and explain how these difficulties were addressed when assembling the current database. The article also brings descriptive statistics and analyses of the data, focusing on the historical development of global counterterrorist legislation and on the regional distribution of this legislation. It concludes with some recommendations for future researchers who may want to use the database. ; Publisher PDF

Counterterrorist legislation is one of the main ways in which countries, particularly democracies, respond to terror attacks. Yet, there is to date no comprehensive cross-national database of counterterrorist legislation. This article introduces an overarching global counterterrorist legislation database (GCLD), covering more than 1,000 laws in 219 countries and territories over the years 1850-2009. I present the dilemmas and difficulties involved in constructing a global terrorism database and explain how these difficulties were addressed when assembling the current database. The article also brings descriptive statistics and analyses of the data, focusing on the historical development of global counterterrorist legislation and on the regional distribution of this legislation. It concludes with some recommendations for future researchers who may want to use the database.

This article examines the discourses of Israeli right-wing figures who opposed Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August 2005. Relying on a systematic analysis of prominent conservative Israeli outlets, the author demonstrates an attempt to reconcile two opposing discourses: a particularistic-Jewish morality discourse and a universal rhetoric of human rights. The author shows that the use of the latter is a relatively novel phenomenon, which was absent during the struggle against Israel's retreat from the Sinai Peninsula in April 1982. Drawing on these findings and on larger global tendencies, the author offers that during the last few decades, human rights rhetoric has become politically instrumental, maybe even unavoidable, for groups and individuals who traditionally have not used it.

This study examines how Israeli media present the masculinity of two non-Jewish groups, foreign Black players and Israeli Palestinian players. A systematic qualitative content analysis during the years 2002-2003 revealed very similar media images of these two groups. In both cases, the players are often portrayed as tough and physically superior (i.e., more masculine) but also as cognitively inferior and childish (i.e., less masculine). These findings shed light not only on Israeli views of the other, but also on the way the media perceives Jewish masculinity. The tension between the hypermasculine and the hypomasculine perception of non-Jews serves as an inverse mirror. On one hand, it allows the cultivation of a cognitively superior and mature Jewish image. On the other hand, it corresponds with the historic image of the weak and frail Jewish man and serves as a constant reminder of the failure to achieve the demands of masculine physical ideals.

"Aggression in Pornography focusses on the issue of violence in mainstream pornography and examines what we know, what we think we know, and what are some surprising research findings and insights about the place of violence within pornography today. The authors first review the modern pornography industry, theoretical claims about pornography as violence, and the ways in which aggression has been defined and measured in previous research. Next, they review the findings of empirical research on violent content in pornographic materials and the potential effects of such content on audiences . The main part of the book relies on systematically-collected empirical data, as the authors analyse the content of hundreds of pornographic videos, as well as more than a hundred interviews with men and women who regularly watch pornography. These analyses provide surprising insights regarding the prevalence of and trends in violent content within mainstream pornography, the popularity of violent and non-violent content among viewers, and variations in aggression by race and sexual orientation. As such, Aggression in Pornography will be of interest to students and researchers in sociology, gender and sexuality studies, and media and film studies, as well as to wider audiences who are interested in today's pornography industry and to policymakers looking to devise empirically-driven policies regarding this industry and its potential effects"--

Chapter 1: Issues and Overview of Terrorism and Human Rights -- Chapter 2: The Nature and Statistics of Terrorism and its Violations of Citizens' and Victims' Human Rights -- Chapter 3: Human Rights Retained by Alleged Terrorists -- Chapter 4: Counter-Terrorism Resolutions and Listing of Terrorists and Their Organizations by the United Nations -- Chapter 5: Declarations by the UN Commissioner On Human Rights and Other Authorities On the Civil Liberties Limits to Counter-Terrorism Actions -- Chapter 6: Counter-Terrorism Resolutions and Initiatives by Regional Institutions -- Chapter 7: Derogation of Civil Liberties -- Chapter 8: Surveillance Versus Privacy -- Chapter 9: Detention -- Chapter 10: Torture -- Chapter 11: United States -- Chapter 12: United Kingdom -- Chapter 13: France -- Chapter 14: Germany -- Chapter 15: Russia -- Chapter 16: China -- Chapter 17: India -- Chapter 18: Israel -- Chapter 19: Saudi Arabia -- Chapter 20: US District Courts and US Supreme Court Judgements -- Chapter 21: The European Court of Human Rights -- Chapter 22: The Inter-American Court of Human Rights -- Chapter 23: The African Court on Human and People's Rights -- Chapter 24: Human Rights NGOs -- Chapter 25: Human Rights Policy Research Institutes -- Chapter 26: Human Rights Academic Study Centres -- Chapter 27: Human Rights Blogs and Individual Champions -- Chapter 28: An Agenda for Protecting Human Rights in Counter-Terrorism Policies and Operations

AbstractWe analyze 391 news reports in Israeli newspapers between 2013 and 2015, covering murders of women and their family members by other family members and intimate partners. We compare articles where the perpetrators and victims are Jewish to those where the perpetrators and victims are Palestinian citizens of Israel (henceforth PCI). We found that articles tend to provide much more details about Jewish culprits than about PCI ones. As for ascribed motives, most murder cases by Jews were framed as an outcome of individual personality or the pathology of the culprit. Conversely, when Palestinian citizens were the killers, culture and tradition were invoked as the main motives. We suggest that the routine work of narration that the Israeli media preform when covering femicide is a case of political use of cultural stereotypes to gain moral ground in the intractable conflict between Jews and Palestinians.

AbstractHow do members of extremist groups think about violence conducted by individual members on the group's behalf? We examine the link between extremism‐motivated violence and extremist groups through a case study of misogynist incels, a primarily online community of men who lament their lack of sexual success with women. To learn how misogynist incels talk about mass violence committed by members of their group, we conduct a qualitative content analysis of 3,658 comments relating to the 2018 Toronto van attack, in which self‐declared incel Alek Minassian drove a van into pedestrians, killing 10 and injuring 16. We find overwhelming support among self‐proclaimed incels for the attack and violence more generally. Incels viewed mass violence as instrumental, serving the following four main purposes: garnering increased attention, exacting revenge, reinforcing masculinity, and generating political change. Our findings indicate the need to examine misogynist incels as a potential terrorist group and male supremacism as a basis for terrorism.

AbstractThis article examines the discourse surrounding issues affecting Indigenous peoples within the Canadian mainstream media. We compare the coverage of two cases of water poisonings—one in a primarily‐white town and the other in an Indigenous community—in 282 newspaper articles from the Toronto Star, the Globe and Mail, the National Post, and Windspeaker. We show that the dominant coverage of these two very similar cases diverged significantly. The Indigenous workers in charge of the water supply were regarded as incompetent and incapable to fill their position while the entire community was described as drunk, lazy, helpless, and perpetually dependent on government aide. By contrast, white workers were seen as relatable and in command of their erroneous actions, while the residents of the town were described simply as the victims of an unfortunate tragedy. Such reporting fails to contextualize the events or point out the injustices of Canadian colonialism, thus contributing to the perpetuation of these injustices.