"Bol'shaia igra" v Tsentral'noi Azii: Energokonkurentsiia Rossii i SSHA v Tsentral'noi Azii posle voiny v Gruzii
In: Svobodnaja mysl': meždunarodnyj obščestvennyj žurnal, Band 60, Heft 12, S. 19-34
ISSN: 0869-4435
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In: Svobodnaja mysl': meždunarodnyj obščestvennyj žurnal, Band 60, Heft 12, S. 19-34
ISSN: 0869-4435
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 140-148
ISSN: 2618-7914
In this article, the author considers two most important, in his opinion, aspects of the activities of the Islamist movement «Muslim Brotherhood» (MB) in Europe today – a rupture that has emerged in the system of the highest governing bodies of the MB (the formation of two rival centers – in Istanbul and London) and the intensification of attempts of MB groups participation in the political life of European countries under the «banner of Islam». The author draws attention to the fact that the observed «renaissance of the brothers» in Europe not only clearly contrasts with the position of their associates in most Arab countries, in whose social and political life they are failing after failure, but can also be considered as an attempt to lead the MB precisely through his European experience to preserve the movement itself, to support the dynamics of its activity, to formulate its upcoming goals. In other words, to demonstrate the ability of the movement and its ideology to transform and adapt to the conditions of the 21st century. To do this, the Islamist «brotherhood» is actively exploiting the potential of the welfare state and political freedoms in the Old World. The author explores the mechanisms used by the Islamists of the BM to penetrate into state structures and influential layers of European societies. It is noteworthy that the activities of the MB are increasingly mentioned by European experts and politicians in the context of growing internal threats to their countries.
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 15-23
ISSN: 2618-7914
The first part of the article examined the reasons for the deterioration of relations between Turkey and its Western partners, the European Union and the United States, which has progressed over the past four years. According to the author, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan managed to avoid aggravation of conflict situations fraught with the possibility of their solutions, including by force (for example, in the confrontation between Ankara and Nicosia and Athens). All this largely thanks to his personal relationship with the then US President Donald Trump. A priori, the arrival of Joseph Biden to the White House promised little to Erdogan and the prospects for the development of US – Turkish relations in general. In the second part of the article, the author focuses on the attempts, first of all, by the Turkish leader to normalize his country's relations with the United States and the EU – in the absence of the former factor of mutual personal sympathy between him and the head of the White House (under Trump). Erdogan made the main stake on demonstrating the usefulness of Turkey as a NATO member. The calculation partially justified itself against the background of the growing and aggravated problem of Afghanistan due to the accelerated (by August 31) withdrawal of US and NATO troops from there.
In: Contemporary Europe, Band 104, Heft 4, S. 172-183
ISSN: 0201-7083
This article aims to review a fundamental study by Russian authors of the causes, course and consequences of the 45th US President's stay in the White House. His cadence turned out to be unique in modern American history: two impeachment procedures, several massive explosions of interethnic riots, and finally the storming of the Capitol. This is him – a businessman with dubious success, a showman, and ultimately – the first person of America. The president is called "on intuition", "non-systemic" – without experience in government structures. However, he was quite successful in deepening the political and ideological divide in his country. And today, almost a year later, those Americans who voted for D. Trump on November 3, 2020 continue to speak of him in positive tones, and the rest – a little more than half of the total number of those who cast their votes – do it in sharply negative manner. The period of the 45th president's stay in the White House requires comprehensive understanding.
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 24-32
ISSN: 2618-7914
The article examines the approach of Turkey and the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance to the problem of noticeably deteriorating relations between them. The process of «undocking» Ankara's partnership with NATO has been gaining momentum over the past four years, despite the generally friendly relationship between Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan and US President Donald Trump. With the exception of the deal between Turkey and Russia for the supply of the S-400 air defense system, which was sharply criticized by the alliance and primarily the United States, the range of other controversial issues mainly concerned relations between Ankara and the EU countries. D. Trump often used the tension between Ankara and Brussels in pursuing his line («America first») in relations with the EU countries. This could not but weaken the partnership between NATO members as a whole. The author concludes that the June 2021 summit of the alliance, at which the United States was represented by President Joe Biden, marked the beginning of the process of overcoming the differences between Turkey and its NATO allies. The most important impetus in this regard is the renewed concept of the alliance, which defines Russia as an «immediate threat». And this requires the consolidation of NATO ranks through overcoming internal differences. And above all with Turkey. In the first part of the article, the author analyzed the features of relations between Turkey and the United States, as well as Turkey and the European Union during the presidency of D. Trump. The second part will examine relations in the Turkey – US – EU triangle in the new international environment under the influence of the Joe Biden administration.
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Heft 1, S. 54-61
ISSN: 2618-7914
On February 16, 2021, the French National Assembly (lower house of parliament) approved a draft law on countering separatism. On March 30, this document is to be discussed by members of the Senate. The degree of public discussions around him began to grow immediately after the speech of President E. Macron on October 2, 2020 and the subsequent publication in the press of the main provisions of the project. In fact, the document is aimed at preventing the radicalization of the Muslim community of France, at its more thorough adaptation to the socio-political conditions and basic values of the Republic. Most of the Muslim community and the clergy of France approved the proposals of the president and the government, while about a third of Muslim organizations opposed them. The last, as a rule, are linked to the international Islamist association «Muslim Brotherhood», which seeks to expand its cells and network in France, and in Europe as a whole. Organizations operating legally in the Turkish communities of the Old World articulate especially clearly the attitudes of the «brothers». In fact, at the religious level, they reproduce and continue the loud verbal confrontation between Macron and Turkish President R.T. Erdogan in October-November last year. The article examines the strategy of the French government to counter the attempts of radical Islamists to legalize the phenomenon of «political Islam». This problem, aggravated after the terrorist attacks in a number of European countries in October 2020, has become no less acute for France today than the fight against the pandemic.
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 17, Heft 5, S. 16-23
ISSN: 2618-7914
The article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence and development of a new pan-European political Party of the European left in the political arena. Its forerunner was a Forum of the new European left, formed in 1991, close to the Communist and workers' parties and the group «European United Left – Nordic Green Left» in the European Parliament, which emerged in 1995 through the merger of «Confederal Group of the European United Left» faction of environmentalists «Left-wing Green of the North». Many experts viewed these parties as a vestige of a bipolar world, and believed that with the collapse of the Soviet Union, they should finally disappear from the political arena of Europe, giving up the left flank to the socialists and social Democrats. However, European Communists and left-wing radicals demonstrated incredible political vitality and in the tenth years of the twentieth century in a number of EU countries (Greece, France, the Czech Republic) managed to bypass their opponents on the left flank. In 2004 a pan-European party of the European left was created, which is characterized by a commitment to unorthodox Communist and environmental values and a moderately eurosceptic view of the EU's development prospects. In the last European elections in 2019, this party lost some ground, but nevertheless managed to maintain its small faction in the European Parliament. So today it is difficult to speak about prospects of the European left, although the strength of parties in Germany, Greece, Spain, France and other countries, as well as the weakening of the party of European socialists, gives us reasonable confidence in the fact that the radical left will be able to maintain its presence on the political stage of Europe in the next 10-15 years. The author of the article tried to identify the causes of this political force and its future prospects.
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 86-93
ISSN: 2618-7914
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 13-20
ISSN: 2618-7914
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 76-81
ISSN: 2618-7914
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 131-136
ISSN: 2618-7914
In: Naučno-analitičeskij vestnik Instituta Evropy RAN, Heft 5, S. 165-172
ISSN: 2618-7914