Suchergebnisse

In high-income countries, both single parents and migrants face elevated risks of living in poverty, but research has paid little attention to the intersection of single parent and migrant status. I examine the ways in which immigration policies make migrants dependent either on the labor market or on their families as a spouse or partner and how these dependencies present risks to migrant women who are single parents. I draw on qualitative data on migrant women's experiences in the first five years after migration to the UK, which include their transitions to single parenthood, to explore how their legal status affects the risks that they experience. Those risks concern exclusion from access to social protection and permanent legal residence, where access is contingent on the ability to maintain a relationship to the market as a worker or to the family through marriage or a stable partnership.

Drawing on research conducted during the project, this policy brief examines the current status of mobility and access to rights of residence for European Union citizens and non-European Union citizens. The establishment of European Union citizenship in 1992 entailed the establishment of both the European Union citizen and the 'Third Country National' (the non- European Union citizen). As citizens of European Union member states became European Union insiders, so citizens of non-European Union states were turned into European Union outsiders. However, inclusion and exclusion are, in practice, seldom binaries but marked by shades of difference. Those holding the nationality of a member state may, in principle, all be citizens of the European Union. But they are differentially included in terms of their access to rights under European Union law, including rights to move and reside freely across the member states.1 Similarly, non-European Union citizens are residence in a member state, on which basis they can enjoy many of the rights of citizens of that state (though not rights as European Union citizens). This policy brief focuses on the relationship between citizenship and work. Specifically, it highlights the ways in which mobility and access to rights of residence for European Union citizens and non-European Union citizens is controlled in relation to work and self-sufficiency. This has implications for inequalities between particular groups in terms of their relative inclusion within the labour market, and thus their access to citizenship and residence rights. But it also has much wider implications regarding the extent to which European Union citizenship serves to reinforce divisions and inequalities among Europe's populations or to promote greater solidarity. First, we consider the ways in which work is framed as a right and/or an obligation for European Union and non-European Union citizens in terms of their mobility and access to rights of residence in European Union member states. We highlight the ways in ...

Across the world, the provision of care faces mounting challenges -- what has been widely referred to as a 'crisis of care'. In the global North, international migrants have increasingly supplemented the unpaid or low-paid care labour of women - as domestic workers, nannies, care assistants and nurses - in the private sphere of the home and in publicly and privately funded care services. This volume brings together international scholars on migration and care to examine the global construction of migrant care labour. The volume makes connections across theory, policy and politics with respect to care, work and migration; the inequalities of gender, race/ethnicity, class, nationality and immigration status that migrant care labour embodies; the inequalities between the global North and South, different regions and countries; the different institutional contexts of care labour that cut across the public and the private; and the different sites of political mobilisation and governance that have developed around migration and care work.

Drawing on fieldwork in Greece, we examine the politics and practices of autonomous volunteering in the context of the migration crisis. This involves individuals engaging in activities to support migrants through non-registered, self-organized and self-governed groups that work independent from and in some cases, even in opposition to NGOs. We consider autonomous volunteering as a form of collective action and argue that it constitutes an alternative humanitarianism. While recent literature has sought to identify the rise of emergent practices of alternative humanitarianism in Europe, research has often overlooked how autonomous volunteers distinguish themselves from, relate to and collaborate with NGOs and conversely, how NGOs view and engage with them. We found that despite their critiques of NGOs and their determination to work independently, there were instances of cooperation between autonomous volunteers and NGOs. These interactions did not become substantive alliances, as the work of NGOs and autonomous volunteers continued to be disconnected from each other.

AbstractIncreasing conditionality in access to welfare has been central to the reform of welfare states (Dean 2004; Dwyer 2004) and to the development of welfare‐to‐work policies and programmes (Peck 2001). This article addresses the ways in which the reform of employment services has, likewise, been marked by increasing conditionality in the financing of a market of those services. This form of conditionality involves the obligation of contracted providers to achieve employment outcomes as a condition of funding. The article examines how conditionality in the financing of employment services impacts on the provision of services to unemployed groups, and more disadvantaged groups in particular, and the implications for the social divisions of work and welfare.

This article contributes to an understanding of how different institutional contexts produce similar outcomes as regards the employment of migrant workers in care work. It examines how the employment of migrant care workers in both the familial provision of care and the formal provision of care services for older people is shaped, first, by the marketisation of care and, second, by immigration controls. The analysis draws on data on the employment of migrant care workers by families in Italy and by providers of residential and home care services in the UK. It is argued that marketisation processes and immigration controls have contributed to the employment of migrant workers across so-called informal/formal types of care provision, and irregular/regular types of care work and migration. While the institutional contexts in which migrant care labour is located may differ, converging outcomes are evident regarding the structural positioning of migrant workers within the provision of care for older people.

While social policy falls predominantly under national rather than European Union (EU) jurisdiction, there are nonetheless multiple ways in which social policy and social outcomes in EU member states have been affected by EU membership. This paper draws on existing evidence and analysis to review the consequences for UK social policy of the decision to leave the EU. We focus predominantly on the implications of the British government's pledge to 'take back control' of money, borders and laws. Our conclusion is that Brexit is likely to have negative effects on the quality of public services and, for some groups in particular, social rights, and that these effects are likely to be greater the more distant are the future trading and wider relationships between the UK and the EU27.

In its previous research, Work Package 10 of bEUcitizen examined the rise of the worker-citizen and found that work can shape differential inclusion into the community. However, people may also be differentially included and excluded from the world of work. Deliverable D10.3 explores these processes with regard to specific groups of people or individuals that engage in specific types of labour. Five case studies of different social groups (both citizens and migrants) serve to examine the relationship between work, citizenship and inclusion/exclusion. The case studies are a mixture of a single state focus, or a comparative focus of particular groups in select countries involved in WP10: Croatia, Ireland, Israel, the Netherlands and the UK.1 Deliverable D10.1 analysed the ways in which the 'worker citizen' underpins national and EU citizenship with respect to policies regarding entry to and residence in a nation state, naturalisation, and access to social security provisions, policies which cut across citizens and migrants. We examined how citizenship is increasingly cast as being deserved by hard-working, self-reliant individuals prepared to take responsibility for themselves and demonstrated that citizenship requires having the status of a worker (Anderson, Shutes, Walker 2015). For the purposes of this report, we refer to 'worker' as both a legal and social status. Under EU Law, to attain worker status, work has to be deemed to be "genuine and effective" and not on such a small scale as to be "marginal and ancillary" (See Anderson, Shutes, Walker, 2015: 52 for further discussion). Thus understanding the relation between inclusion and exclusion and the spaces in between (which we described as 'differential inclusion) requires us to analyse how people are differentially included in labour markets and in the world of work. Analyses of the relationship between citizenship and the labour market have tended to examine the exclusions of migrants and the exclusions of those who have the legal status of citizenship ...