Suchergebnisse

Principally, a regional government represents the extended hands of the central government in controlling a regional area. Regional governments are not supposed to run activities not congruent with the policies set by the central government. However, regional governments are often found in contravention of the policies of the central government. This research maps what causes this contravention and the reasons for reinforcing the authority of the central government regarding its connection with regional governments. This research employed normative-juridical methods, statutory, conceptual, and case approaches, revealing that this noncompliance with the central government is sparked by the conditions where a regional head is elected by the members of the public, the president has no right to eject a regional head from his/her tenure, and a regional head is fully authorized to run a regional area, including the regional budgeting. The design of the reinforcement of the authority of the authority of the central government over regional governments is required based on the principle of the unitary state and to guarantee the harmonious policies set by those the regional governments and central government. This design may involve the policy of the central government to take over the governance of regional areas following the deadlock, permit issuance, and the authority of the central government to impose sanctions on regional heads.

The coalition of political parties in nominating the presidential and vice-presidential candidate pair is a necessity. This is because none of the political parties received a majority vote, making them need support from other parties to meet the presidential threshold requirement. However, the established coalition mostly is not based on the same vision, mission, and ideology. The coalition is based on the developed political situations and conditions or for power-sharing such as sharing ministerial seats. As a result, the composition of the coalition in each presidential election always changes. This is obviously a coalition pattern that is oriented only to pragmatism. The research problems in this study were as follows. (1) What is the basis of the coalition of political parties in Indonesia? (2) What is the pattern of political party coalitions in Indonesia? (3) Why does a permanent coalition pattern between political parties need to occur? This study analyzed the coalition pattern of political parties and its implications for the implementation of the presidential election in Indonesia. The results showed that the coalition pattern of political parties in Indonesia occurred because most of the political parties do not make their vision, mission, and ideology become the basis for determining the direction of the coalition. Political parties build coalitions based on the agreement for a certain number of ministerial seats promised by the presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs that they nominate. Political parties that were previously rivals (from the winning presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs) can transfer their supporting positions to the elected presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs. In fact, a permanent coalition is highly needed to ensure a check and balance of the winner of the general election. This means that the composition of political parties supporting the losing presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs must be ready to become parties in the opposition ranks, not to become government coalition parties.

The moral paradigm in establishing legal norms about parliamentary thresholds in legislative elections is studied through historical, conceptual, and statutory approaches. Figures' perspectives on the moral paradigm and nature's laws are an analysis benchmark. This research is a legal analysis with a conceptual approach. The main objective of this research was to analyse the moral paradigm in the formation of laws regarding parliamentary thresholds in Indonesian elections. According to this research, the establishment and implementation of parliamentary threshold legal norms cannot meet the main legal objectives, namely justice, because parliamentary thresholds are designed to limit political parties' eligibility for parliament in subsequent elections. Therefore, the government canceled the application of the parliamentary threshold through lawmakers and the Constitutional Court in the next election.

The purpose of this study was to describe the position of the state emergency law as the basis for the issuance of the Government Regulation in Lieu of Law and to examine the consistency of the position of the state emergency law in the implementation of regional elections during the pandemic. This study used normative juridical research with conceptual, statutory, philosophical, and case-study approaches. Sources of legal materials in this study consisted of primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. The results showed that the Covid-19 pandemic is declared a non-natural disaster to be qualified as coercive urgency, which is a requirement for enacting the state emergency law. However, there is a logical inconsistency about the Covid-19 pandemic concerning regional elections. On the one hand, the Covid-19 is used as an argument to declare the state in an emergency so that it is necessary to issue a state emergency law in the form of the Government Regulation in Lieu of Law. On the other hand, the regional head election is still be held during the pandemic. If the Covid-19 pandemic is considered a state emergency, the regional head election must be postponed until the pandemic is over.

The number of political parties continues to increase from time to time. Ironically, the establishment of a political party is not based on the desire to carry out the functions of political education, political recruitment, and political regeneration. It is only to fulfill the desire for the power of a group of political elites. This research aims to analyze the need to simplify the number of political parties and determine the ideal simplification design of political parties This research used normative juridical research with statutory, historical, and conceptual approaches. The results indicated that political party simplification is needed for creating effectiveness and efficiency, minimizing segmentation or the emergence of friction among Indonesian citizens, preventing voter confusion, and maintaining political stability. Meanwhile, the ideal design to simplify political parties that can be executed is through submitting the dissolution of political parties to the Constitutional Court (Indonesian: Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK)) by expanding the criteria for those who can propose for dissolution (legal standing), imposing strict sanctions, implementing a moratorium on permits for the establishment of new parties, and extending the authority of the government to unilaterally dissolve political parties, such as the power to dissolve banned community organizations.

AbstractProblems arises in the implementation of elections between the election of the President / Vice President who are no longer held separately such as previous Elections. The technical implications are related to the ability of the Constitutional Court to adjudicate disputes over the legislative and presidential elections which are certainly unbalanced with the number of justices and the limited time. This study aims to map the problems experienced by the Constitutional Court in adjudicating disputes over simultaneous election results. The research method used is normative legal research using conceptual, legislation, history and case approach. The results shows that a separation of authority is needed between the disputes over the results of the presidential / vice presidential election with disputes over the results of the DPR, DPD and DPRD elections. The separation is needed to ensure that the election dispute resolution process does not accumulate in one judicial institution and results in a decision which passes the time limit given. With the separation of authority in adjudicating disputes over the results of the presidential election and legislative elections, the Constitutional Court will only focus on adjudicating cases of outcome disputes and other institutions will also focus on prosecuting thousands of legislative electoral disputes. AbstrakTerdapat permasalahan dalam penyelenggaraan pemilihan antara pemilihan Presiden/wakil Presiden yang tidak lagi digelar terpisah. Implikasi teknis berkaitan dengan kemampuan MK dalam mengadili perselisihan pemilu legislatif dan Pilpres yang tentu tidak berimbang dengan jumlah hakim konstitusi dan limitasi waktu yang dimiliki. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memetakan problematika yang dialami oleh MK dalam mengadili perselisihan hasil pemilu serentak. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konsep, peraturan perundang-undangan, sejarah dan kasus. Hasilnya, diperlukan pemisahan kewenangan mengadili antara perselisihan hasil pemilihan umum Presiden/wakil Presiden dengan perselisihan hasil pemilihan umum DPR, DPD, dan DPRD demi menjamin proses penyelesaian perselisihan hasil pemilihan yang tidak menumpuk disatu lembaga peradilan dan berakibat pada putusan yang melewati batas waktu yang diberikan. Pemisahan ini akan membuat Mahkamah Konstitusi hanya fokus mengadili perkara perselisihan hasil saja dan lembaga lain juga fokus mengadili perselisihan Pileg yang jumlahnya ribuan.