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Frontmatter -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- 1. Bossism and State Formation in the Philippines -- 2. Small-Town Bosses: The Mafia-Style Mayors of Cavite -- 3. The Provincial Warlords of Cavite, 1896-1995 -- 4. The Small-Town Dynasties of Cebu -- 5. The District-Level Dynasties of Cebu -- 6. A Provincial Dynasty: The Osmeñas of Cebu City -- 7. Bossism in Comparative Perspective -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- Series List

Cover -- RIOTS, POGROMS, JIHAD -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Preface -- 1. Indonesia: From Ethnic Conflict to Islamic Terrorism? -- 2. Situating "Islam" in Indonesia: The Matrix of Class Relations -- 3. Social Transformation, 1965-1998: Konglomerat, Kelas Bawah, Islam -- 4. Buildings on Fire: Church Burnings, Riots, and Election Violence, 1995-1997 -- 5. Crisis, Conspiracy, Conflagration: Jakarta, 1998 -- 6. From Lynchings to Communal Violence: Pogroms, 1998-2001 -- 7. Jihad and Religious Violence in Indonesia, 1995-2005 -- Notes -- Glossary -- Index

This article reflects on the treatment of sovereignty and stateness in South Asia provided by other authors in this special section of the issue in terms of their implications for the study of Southeast Asian history. The article identifies a number of commonalities between the treatment of sovereignty and stateness in South Asia provided in the special section and that found in revisionist scholarship on Southeast Asia over the past few decades.

This article provides a holistic analysis of traffic congestion in Metro Manila, treating traffic and transport in the Philippines' national capital region as an ecosystem which has entrenched itself, endured, and evolved in the face of ongoing demographic, economic, and technological change. The article focuses on the activities and initiatives of a new "species" within Metro Manila's transport ecosystem – the transport reform advocacy group – to identify and examine both the constituent elements and complex operations of the ecosystem and its capacities for resistance, resilience, and reconstitution in the face of reforms. These reform initiatives include a proposed bus rapid transit (BRT) system, the loosening of number coding restrictions on public utility vehicles, the liberalization of point-to-point (P2P) bus services, the legalization of motorcycle taxis, the Public Utility Vehicle Modernization Program (PUVMP), the establishment of bicycle lanes, and the expansion and improvement of pedestrian walkways to improve micro-mobility in the metropolis. The article concludes with a consideration of the efforts of transport reform advocacy groups to advance these elements of their reform agenda amidst the ongoing global pandemic and the government-imposed quarantine and economic downturn in the Philippines in early-mid 2020. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

The year 2014 in the Philippines witnessed President Aquino's administration moving forward with initiatives on multiple fronts, including foreign relations and the peace process in Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago, even as leading opposition politicians experienced increasing difficulties in the face of anti-corruption charges.

The year 2013 in the Philippines saw President Aquino's administration buoyed by mid-term election results in May but otherwise mired in scandal, episodes of violence in Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago, escalating tensions with China, and difficulties responding to the massive typhoon that hit the Eastern Visayas in early November.

A growing body of subnational comparative research on democracy has focused attention on 'subnational authoritarianism', in tandem with increasing interest in local politics across the developing world. Unsurprisingly, this evolving field of study has been characterized by a diversity -- if not a dichotomy -- of approaches, with quantitative and qualitative research proceeding along parallel and sometimes intersecting tracks. But scholars working in diverse contexts and with diverging approaches have begun to converge on a set of explanations for the patterns of variance observed in subnational authoritarianism within and across national settings. Drawing on studies of Russia, the United States, southern Italy, Argentina and West Africa, this article shows how scholarship has identified the underlying economic foundations of subnational authoritarianism. Combining the findings of recent qualitative and quantitative studies with the author's own research in the Philippines, this article spells out a set of hypotheses which may help to explain patterns of variance in subnational authoritarianism. Variance in subnational authoritarianism, it is suggested, stems from varying local economic conditions and possibilities for accumulation and maintenance of control over local economies. Further 'mapping' of subnational authoritarianism thus requires local fieldwork to complement the strengths -- and overcome the limitations -- of quantitative research. Adapted from the source document.

In two landmark essays published in 1973, the eminent anthropologist Clifford Geertz offered an early assessment of what he termed "The Fate of Nationalism in the New States," referring to the newly independent nation-states of Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. Ranging with characteristic ease and flair across Burma, India, Indonesia, Lebanon, Malaysia, Morocco, and Nigeria, Geertz argued that an "Integrative Revolution" was under way, but one complicated and compromised by the inherent tension between "essentialism" and "epochalism," between "Primordial Sentiments and Civil Politics in the New States." Geertz argued:The peoples of the new states are simultaneously animated by two powerful, thoroughly interdependent, yet distinct and often actually opposed motives—the desire to be recognized as responsible agents whose wishes, acts, hopes, and opinions "matter," and the desire to build an efficient, dynamic modern state. The one aim is to be noticed: it is a search for identity, and a demand that the identity be publicly acknowledged as having import, a social assertion of the self as "being somebody in the world." The other aim is practical: it is a demand for progress, for a rising standard of living, more effective political order, greater social justice, and beyond that of "playing a part in the larger arena of world politics," of "exercising influence among the nations."