This project takes a disaggregated look at state immigration policies using both qualitative and quantitative methods and challenges conventional wisdoms that overemphasize demographics and partisanship. What processes, actors, and institutions can give us more purchase in understanding state immigration laws? I argue state actors, institutions, and contexts explain why some states pass immigration policies. The first empirical chapter highlights the role of time and state context by using a time series model to identify variables affecting the passage of state immigration law between 1980 and 2014. The second chapter investigates the influence of institutional rules and state actors in the policy process. Undertaking fieldwork in California and Oregon, I found that institutional rules, like referendum policies, affect the passage of state immigration legislation. The final looks at the role of the judiciary in state immigration legislation. Moving away from ascriptive characteristics like gender or race, I test the correlation of personal history to judicial behavior. Specifically, I find the immigration generation of federal appellate and Supreme Court judges affects how they adjudicate state immigration policy cases.
Since 1980, state governments have passed over 1700 pieces of immigration legislation equal in the number of permissive immigration laws to restrictive immigration laws. Driver's Licenses are a policy area directly under state jurisdiction in which states are creating legislation regarding licenses for those unable to prove legal residence. This brief considers California and Oregon as case studies to examine state variation on driver's licenses for undocumented immigrants, and suggests that structural opportunities and the agency of state issue entrepreneurs opposing driver's licenses for undocumented immigrants influence the process and ultimate outcome of driver's license legislative efforts.
AbstractObjectiveTo include the factor of police malfeasance in the crisis of confidence in American police. Further, to explain the role of race, media, and contextual factors on individual perception of police performance. We argue that while the BLM movement was amplified by the deaths of Black people at the hands of police, it originates from the reality that police are continuously engaged in nefarious activities that wear down communities of color extensively.MethodsUsing the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post‐Election Survey (CMPS) and data on media reported police malfeasance in 2016 collected from the CATO institute, we explore the relationship between police malfeasance, race, and evaluations of police performance. We create two sets of logit regressions, one for all CMPS respondents and second, disaggregated by race to show the effects of media reported police malfeasance on respondent's evaluations of police performance.ResultsIn the pooled model, we find a positive and significant correlation between poor police performance evaluations and incidences of police malfeasance. Further, substantive increases in the probability of rating police performance as poor are correlated with all respondents when disaggregated by race. We find a significant correlation among Black and White respondents, who are more likely to rate police performance as poor.ConclusionConventional narratives around the Black Lives Matter movement seem to show that deaths at the hands of local law enforcement "created" the BLM movement. We argue that the current delegitimating of police in terms of public support is related directly to police behavior themselves. Police malfeasance increases the likelihood of negative performance evaluations, thus undermining community trust in the police.
ObjectiveDo premigratory experiences shape the perceived need for racial and/or ethnic political representation? Although there is much literature that has examined whether a "pan‐ethnic" Asian‐American identity is emerging, we test the effects of premigration experiences with ethnic violence on the perceived need for descriptive representation among Asian Americans.MethodsUsing the 2016 National Asian American Pre‐Election Survey, in combination with comparative cross‐national data, we explore the relationship between premigration experiences and the perceived need for racial and ethnic representation.ResultsUsing both multilevel logit and a Heckman selection analyses, we find that premigratory experiences with violence significantly reduce the assessment that racial and ethnic representation is important.ConclusionThis suggests that premigratory experiences with ethnic violence reduce individual assessments that racial and ethnic representation is important. Individuals who emigrated from countries that experienced ethnic violence eschew descriptive representation in understanding politics in the United States.
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 72, Heft 2, S. 342-359
The number of women seeking congressional office in the United States has dramatically increased since 1980. Previous research on women candidates explores why women run, but new research on candidate emergence shows that women face different challenges and advantages based on their race and ethnicity. We investigate these differences by disaggregating data on women's candidate emergence by race and ethnicity to examine how these theories work when explicitly considering race and ethnicity. We focus our examination on women running in House primaries between 1980 and 2012. We argue that theories of candidate emergence are conditional to the racial and/or ethnic identification of the candidate. We employ a cross-sectional time series analysis with the intuition that examining congressional elections over time will allow us to make general comments about the participation of women in congressional elections. We find that many of the conditions thought necessary for women's emergence as candidates are contextual and temporally specific. Moreover, conditions that encourage women to run do not necessarily apply to women of color.
This paper discusses the results of a survey of multinational corporations with affiliates in developing countries. The paper explores corporate perspectives and decision making across the stages of the investment cycle: attraction, entry and establishment, operations and expansion, linkages with the local economy, and, in some cases, divestment and exit. Through interviews with 754 executives, the survey finds that political stability and a business-friendly regulatory environment are the top two factors influencing multinational corporations' investment decisions in developing countries. Investors seek predictable, transparent, and efficient conduct of public agencies. The survey results also show that investors are heterogeneous, and their perceptions vary with motivation and size. Multinational corporations that are involved in efficiency-seeking investment are more selective than investors motivated by other considerations, and that relatively smaller multinational corporations are more sensitive to host country characteristics and investment climate factors than large firms.
AbstractIntroductionIn this paper, we examine how premigratory experiences shape the willingness of immigrants to engage with the political system of the host country.MethodsUsing the Immigrant Citizens' Survey, a study of over 6600 immigrants in six European countries, and building upon previous work we test whether an immigrant who comes from an authoritarian country and/or a country that has experienced significant civil conflict, will affect the extent to which they are willing to politically engage in the politics of their host country.ResultsHowever, we find that whether an immigrant respondent came from a democracy or an extremely repressive regime at the time of their departure from the home country had no discernible effect on the willingness to vote in an election in the host country. We find that immigrants whose home country was embroiled in major civil conflicts at the time of their departure from the country are significantly more likely to express a willingness to politically engage in the politics of the host country, and this finding is robust across multiple model specifications.ConclusionsThis suggests that immigrants who hail from conflict countries are more likely to engage politically than immigrants from countries that have less conflict.
AbstractAs Congress remains gridlocked on the issue of comprehensive immigration reform, immigration policy debates, particularly with respect to interior immigration enforcement, are increasingly taking place at state and local levels. Scholarship on immigration federalism has focused on federal and local governments, while states are passing laws that tighten or delimit cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (i.e., "sanctuary policies"). Simultaneously, cities are passing laws contradictory to state policy. We examine how these state and local enforcement ambiguities affect undocumented immigrants' trust in the efficacy of sanctuary policies. Using California as a case, we embedded an experiment in a survey of undocumented immigrants and find trust in sanctuary policies decreases when cities seek to opt out of statewide sanctuary laws. Further, "opting out" has negative implications for the daily behavior of undocumented immigrants, like the chilling effects resulting from local law enforcement cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.
This book thoroughly explores presidential rhetoric on immigration over time. Well written by noted scholars in the field, this book is of interest to students of scholars of political communication and rhetoric, immigration policy, and presidential studies.
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Purpose This paper aims to investigate how purchasing organizations implement supplier diversity (SD) initiatives over time.
Design/methodology/approach A multiple case study approach was conducted. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with participants from purchasing organizations, intermediary organizations and diverse suppliers.
Findings The research suggests that the SD journey encompasses three different, but interrelated stages before full implementation is achieved: structuring, operation and adaptation. The findings also provide evidence that SD implementation in Brazil is highly influenced by the lack of a consistent knowledge base and the lack of legitimized intermediary organizations.
Research limitations/implications Using a temporal approach to understand how different practices suggested by the literature have been managed by practitioners over time, this study contributes to the understanding of the path to effective SD implementation and how intra- and interorganizational context influences this journey.
Practical implications By identifying which practices should be adopted during different phases of SD implementation and proposing ways to overcome some of the inherent challenges, managers can better plan and allocate resources for the adoption of a successful SD initiative.
Social implications This research demonstrates how organizations can promote diversity and reduce social and economic inequalities by buying from diverse suppliers.
Originality/value Using a temporal approach, the research empirically investigates how different purchasing organizations have implemented and managed the known practices and dealt with the challenges faced when trying to adopt SD.