Suchergebnisse

We think of social movements as forces for change, which frequently passes through policy and institutional reform. Yet just how they affect change all is frequently not addressed. This paper tackles the question in the context of the Chilean environmental movement's effects on environmental governance and energy policy reforms. Building on work in political sociology it argues that Chilean environmental movement organizations had direct, indirect, and mediated effects on different phases of the policy process. It argues further that a political economy approach to environmental policymaking explains the politics by which they had such effects. Resumen: Mega-proyectos, política contenciosa y cambio político e institucional: Chile, 1994-2017Pensamos en los movimientos sociales como fuerzas para el cambio, que con frecuencia pasan por reformas políticas e institucionales. Sin embargo, a menudo no se aborda cómo afectan al cambio. Este documento aborda la cuestión en el contexto de los efectos del movimiento ambiental chileno en la gobernanza ambiental y las reformas de la política energética. Sobre la base del trabajo en sociología política, argumenta que las organizaciones chilenas del movimiento ecologista tuvieron efectos directos, indirectos y mediados en diferentes fases del proceso político. Argumenta además que un enfoque de economía política en la formulación de políticas ambientales explica la política por la cual tuvieron tales efectos. Palabras clave: movimientos sociales, mega-proyectos, política contenciosa, cambio político, Chile.

The capacity of Latin American social groups to mobilize has excited the imagination of students of the region since the birth of Latin American studies itself. Alongside the cultural turn, many social movement organizations continue to engage directly with politics. Aspirational goals notwithstanding, in order to improve conditions they devote much of their energy to influencing policy. Although scholars have begun to address the policy impact of Latin American social movements, we have limited systematized understanding of the conditions and mechanisms by which social movement protest affects policy outcomes. This essay argues that a policy process approach offers a useful first cut into more systematic analysis of social movements, protest, and their policy consequences in Latin America. Resumen: Movimientos Sociales, Protesta y Políticas de Gobierno La capacidad de movilización social que evidencia América Latina ha captado el imaginario de investigadores desde los albores de los estudios latinoamericanos. A pesar del giro cultural sobre el tema, muchos movimientos sociales siguen entablando la política de forma directa. Amén de sus metas aspiracionales, en pos de mejorar sus condiciones dedican una cantidad apreciable de sus esfuerzos a influenciar políticas de gobierno. Si bien es cierto que una cantidad no menospreciable de investigadores consideran esos impactos aún hace falta conocimiento sistematizado sobre las condiciones y los mecanismos a través de los cuales la protesta social afecta las políticas del estado. Este ensayo argumenta que enfoques centrados en los procesos de la política pública ofrecen una buena entrada al análisis más sistemático sobre los movimientos sociales, protesta, y sus consecuencias para políticas de gobierno.

Después de las movilizaciones masivas del 2000 al 2005 que llevaron a Evo Morales y su partido a la presidencia se esperaba una incorporación positiva de los sectores populares, campesinos e indígenas a la arena política. Este artículo analiza por qué en su segundo gobierno (2010-2014) esa expectativa cedió paso a una creciente conflictividad con importantes movimientos sociales que lo llevaron al poder. Argumenta que la priorización de políticas de Estado generó fuertes tensiones en la amplia y heterogénea coalición social surgida de las luchas antineoliberales. ; The mass mobilizations of the early 2000s that helped bring Evo Morales and his party to power raised expectations for the (re)incorporation of popular sectors, peasants, and indigenous peoples in the political arena. This article analyzes why in his second government (2010-2014) this expectation gave way to deepening conflict with movements that had helped him win the presidency. It argues that the inevitable setting of policy priorities generated strong tensions in the government's heterogeneous social coalition forged during antineoliberal mobilization.

The mass mobilizations of the early 2000s that helped bring Evo Morales and his party to power raised expectations for the (re)incorporation of popular sectors, peasants, and indigenous peoples in the political arena. This article analyzes why in his second government (2010-2014) this expectation gave way to deepening conflict with movements that had helped him win the presidency. It argues that the inevitable setting of policy priorities generated strong tensions in the government's heterogeneous social coalition forged during anti-neoliberal mobilization. ; Después de las movilizaciones masivas del 2000 al 2005 que llevaron a Evo Morales y su partido a la presidencia se esperaba una incorporación positiva de los sectores populares, campesinos e indígenas a la arena política. Este artículo analiza por qué en su segundo gobierno (2010-2014) esa expectativa cedió paso a una creciente conflictividad con importantes movimientos sociales que lo llevaron al poder. Argumenta que la priorización de políticas de Estado generó fuertes tensiones en la amplia y heterogénea coalición social surgida de las luchas antineoliberales.

This article has the objective to analyze the discourse around punishment and decarceration policies on the administrations of the Ministry of Justice and Peace during the periods of 2015-2017 and 2018-2020. The discourses under study include the ones issued by politicians in power included in interviews, government plans and accountability speeches to the parliament. Is relevant the fact that the period under study is of two administrations of party continuity, where the prison system played a relevant role in the 2018 election and the decarceration policies were used against the ruling party for increasing insecurity in the country. To achieve the objective, the Critical Discourse Analysis methodology will be used, which will allow a deep understanding of the sociocultural problems from the discourses held by groups in power, which deepens the conditions of inequality and exclusion. It is concluded that, despite the continuity in power of a party with a supposedly progressive ideology, is possible to identify ruptures and important discontinuities between both governmental periods. ; El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar los discursos en torno al castigo y las políticas de descarcelación de las administraciones ministeriales de la cartera de Justicia y Paz durante los periodos 2015-2017 y 2018-2020 en Costa Rica. Se estudiarán tanto los discursos de los operadores políticos contemplados en entrevistas a medios de comunicación, planes de gobierno y comparecencias legislativas. Cobra relevancia el hecho de que el periodo de estudio abarca dos administraciones de continuidad partidaria, y que el tema carcelario jugó un papel relevante en la elección del 2018 y las políticas de descarcelación fueron achacadas al oficialismo por aumentar la inseguridad en el país. Para alcanzar el objetivo, se utilizó la metodología de Análisis Crítico de Discurso, la cual permite comprender problemas socioculturales desde los discursos emitidos por grupos de poder, los cuales profundizan condiciones de desigualdad y ...

This Master thesis in European Studies, Economic branch, aims to investigate the economic history of the European automobile industry in the context of the European integration process, in order to understand the interaction and influences between these two subjects. The purpose of the thesis would be to highlight the main problems regarding the automobile industry and the European integration process, through a deep study of the political, economic and social background from the "belle-époque" period to the Maastricht Treaty, in order to create a clear picture regarding the state of the art of the European automobile industry in the 1990s.

El marco curricular de Objetivos Fundamentales y Contenidos Mínimos Obligatorios de Enseñanza Media (OF-CMO) establecido en el Decreto Ne 220 de 1998, por varios conceptos marca un hito en el desarrollo de la educación nacional y en las prácticas de la enseñanza. El carácter de las inquietudes puestas de manifiesto luego de la difusión de la nueva organización curricular de la referida enseñanza, por algunos sectores del magisterio, por sostenedores de liceos, y por la propia prensa escrita, pone de relieve que el estudio público ha tendido a concentrarse principalmente en torno de la pertinencia y relevancia de cada uno de los objetivos y contenidos y en el juego de la flexibilidad horaria que se propone, dejando en segundo plano consideraciones sobre la estructura de OF-CMO en lo que ella importa para la democratización de nuestro sistema educacional. ; El marco curricular de Objetivos Fundamentales y Contenidos Mínimos Obligatorios de Enseñanza Media (OF-CMO) establecido en el Decreto Ne 220 de 1998, por varios conceptos marca un hito en el desarrollo de la educación nacional y en las prácticas de la enseñanza. El carácter de las inquietudes puestas de manifiesto luego de la difusión de la nueva organización curricular de la referida enseñanza, por algunos sectores del magisterio, por sostenedores de liceos, y por la propia prensa escrita, pone de relieve que el estudio público ha tendido a concentrarse principalmente en torno de la pertinencia y relevancia de cada uno de los objetivos y contenidos y en el juego de la flexibilidad horaria que se propone, dejando en segundo plano consideraciones sobre la estructura de OF-CMO en lo que ella importa para la democratización de nuestro sistema educacional.

In order to achieve or enhance economic growth, different monetary policies' instruments can be used by the central banks. Conventional monetary policy regimes such as exchange rate targeting and monetary targeting were the dominant strategies until the emergence of inflation targeting. The latter regime was the most adopted among the more developed nations from the 1990s onward. After the 2008 recession, unconventional policies, namely quantitative easing, started to be a common practice in the US, UK, EU and Japan. However, conventional strategies weren't discarded. Using a dynamic panel data model, we study how economic growth respond to the different monetary policy regimes implemented between 1970 and 2018. Our results suggest that inflation targeting was more successful in enhancing growth in the full sample period. Monetary targeting displayed a comparatively higher result than the other two regimes in the 1981-2008 subperiod. Exchange rate targeting displayed a higher positive impact than the other two in the subperiod after the great recession. ; Para alcançar ou melhorar o crescimento económico, diferentes instrumentos de política monetária podem ser utilizados pelos bancos centrais. Regimes de política monetária convencionais como a âncora cambial ou a adoção de uma regra monetária (tendo como objectivo uma dada taxa de crescimento constante da massa monetária ou sua componente) foram as estratégias dominantes até o surgimento e generalização da meta para inflação. Este último regime foi o mais adotado entre as nações mais desenvolvidas a partir da década de 1990. Após a recessão de 2008, políticas não convencionais, nomeadamente, quantitative easing, passaram a ser uma prática comum nos EUA, Reino Unido, UE e Japão. No entanto, as estratégias convencionais não foram descartadas. Utilizando um modelo dinâmico de dados em painel, estudamos como o crescimento económico responde aos diferentes regimes de política monetária implementados entre 1970 e 2018. Os nossos resultados sugerem que a meta de inflação foi comparativamente a mais bem-sucedida estratégia em melhorar o crescimento no cômputo geral da amostra. A regra monetária registou um resultado superior no subperíodo de 1981-2008. A âncora cambial, no subperíodo pós-recessão, apresentou um impacto positivo maior do que os outros dois regimes convencionais.

This dissertation explores representations of the Devil in the narrative of Canudos through the lenses of Euclides da Cunha's classic Os Sertões (1902), the second manuscript of Antônio Conselheiro (1897), and the religious guidebook Missão Abreviada (1859). To understand the motivations of the Brazilian backlanders (sertanejos) to engage in the Battle of Canudos (1896-1897), one has to consider the role of the Devil in this battle. Conselheiro's followers believed that the apocalypse was approaching and that they were fighting the demoniacal forces of the republicans in order to save their souls.This study starts by presenting the religious background of the sertanejos, their mysticism and their oral tradition, which includes tales about the return of D. Sebastião and myths rooted in the European tradition. It then analyses the teachings of Conselheiro and the importance placed on the role of the Devil as a threat to losing one's soul forever. Conselheiro's followers were victims of the fanaticism of their leader and of the extreme forces of the Brazilian military which resulted in the decimation of Canudos and the death of over ten thousand people. By drawing an argument based on Euclides da Cunha's observation of events in his field notes, newspaper articles, and in Os Sertões, this study defends that Canudos was not the idealized community portrayed by many, but was instead a place under the theocracy of a fanatic leader. The last section of this dissertation frames Conselheiro's dominance of his subjects in Foucault's theory of the povouir pastoral (pastoral power of the priest). This study aims to contribute to the body of research on Canudos to an English speaking audience.

In this introductory article, we present the special issue and outline our research agenda on extractive development, social mobilization, and policy impact in Latin America. We propose a shift in analytical focus from the study of resistance to studying the policy and institutional impacts of mobilization. We outline possible outcomes of interest and conditions contributing to the attainment of policy and institutional change. These conditions include movement characteristics – such as coalitions, repertoires, and alliances with state actors – and the socioeconomic, political, and ideational conditions that shape and constrain patterns of mobilization and the likelihood and durability of its impact. We also sketch the core themes and findings of the articles comprising the special issue, which cover sectors including mining, hydroelectricity, oil extraction, and accompanying infrastructural expansion across Central and South America. Several of the articles show how mobilization led to policy change while others caution against being overly optimistic about policy change without durable shifts in the structures that keep development models that prioritize the large-scale extraction of natural resources in place. We conclude by identifying pending questions and avenues for future research.Resumen: Efectos políticos de resistencia al desarrollo extractivo en Latinoamérica Esta introducción al número especial delinea nuestra agenda de investigación sobre el desarrollo extractivo, movilización social, y su impacto en políticas nacionales en América Latina. Proponemos un cambio en el enfoque analítico pasando del estudio de la resistencia a sus impactos en políticas e instituciones. Esbozamos posibles resultados e identificamos condiciones que contribuyen al cambio político e institucional. Estas incluyen (1) características de los movimientos, como coaliciones, repertorios de acción contenciosa, y alianzas con actores estatales, y (2) condiciones socioeconómicas, políticas e ideológicas que forman y limitan tanto los patrones de movilización como la probabilidad y duración de sus impactos. De ahí pasamos a esbozar los temas centrales y hallazgos de los artículos que comprenden este número especial. Estos cubren sectores como la minería, la hidroelectricidad, la extracción de petróleo y la correspondiente expansión de infraestructura en América Central y del Sur. Varios de los artículos muestran cómo la movilización derivó en un cambio de política, mientras que otros trabajos cautelan contra excesivo optimismo sobre la durabilidad de cambios en ausencia de transformaciones en las estructuras que mantienen modelos de desarrollo que priorizan la extracción a gran escala de recursos naturales. Concluimos con una reflexión sobre preguntas pendientes y pistas para nuevas investigaciones.

This paper discusses the use of spatial data for risk and natural disaster management. The importance of remote-sensing (RS), Geographic Information System (GIS) and Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) data is stressed by comparing studies of the use of these technologies for natural disaster management. Spatial data sharing is discussed in the context of the establishment of Spatial Data Infrastructures (SDIs) for natural disasters. Some examples of SDI application in disaster management are analyzed, and the need for participation from organizations and governments to facilitate the exchange of information and to improve preventive and emergency plans is reinforced. Additionally, the potential involvement of citizens in the risk and disaster management process by providing voluntary data collected from volunteered geographic information (VGI) applications is explored. A model relating all of the spatial data-sharing aspects discussed in the article was suggested to elucidate the importance of the issues raised.

En el marco de un proyecto arqueológico sobre dos sitios inkaicos significativos (Ruinas de Chada y Pucará de Chena), se busca abordar los sentidos del patrimonio de las comunidades locales. Se considera el patrimonio desde una lógica política, definida por las tensiones respecto del pasado y las identidades que se vuelven relevantes. Por medio de un análisis cualitativo, se estudiaron distintos discursos sobre la historia local y el entorno social que convergen y divergen en ambos sitios arqueológicos. Finalmente, se reconoce la incidencia de los contextos históricos, sociales y políticos en la forma en que el patrimonio se construye. ; In the framework of an archaeological project at two important Inca sites in Chile (Ruinas de Chada and Pucará de Chena), the meaning of heritage to local communities is addressed. Heritage is considered from a political logic, defined by tensions concerning the past and identities which acquire importance. Qualitative analysis was used to study different discourses on local history and the social environment at the two archaeological sites. In conclusion, the influence of historical, social and political contexts on the way in which heritage is constructed are recognized. ; Fil: Silva, Eduardo. Consejo de Monumentos Nacionales; Chile. ; Fil: Silva,Camila. Antropóloga independiente; Chile. ; Fil: La Mura, Natalia. Arqueóloga independiente; Chile. ; Fil: Fuenzalida, Nicole. Centro de Estudios Arqueológicos e Históricos Aikén; Chile. ; Fil: Brinck, Adriana. Antropóloga independiente; Chile.

In the framework of an archaeological project at two important Inca sites in Chile (Ruinas de Chada and Pucara de Chena), the meaning of heritage to local communities is addressed. Heritage is considered from a political logic, defined by tensions concern

The Reef Rescue Marine Monitoring Program (herein referred to as the MMP) undertaken in the Great Barrier Reef (GBR) lagoon assesses the long-term effectiveness of the Australian and Queensland Government's Reef Water Quality Protection Plan (Reef Plan) and the Australian Government's Reef Rescue initiative. The MMP was established in 2005 to help assess the long-term status and health of GBR ecosystems and is a critical component in the assessment of regional water quality as land management practices are improved across GBR catchments. The program forms an integral part of the Reef Plan Paddock to Reef Integrated Monitoring, Modelling and Reporting Program (P2R program) supported through Reef Plan and Reef Rescue. This report details the sampling that has taken place under the Reef Rescue Marine Monitoring Program: Terrestrial discharge into the Great Barrier Reef (project 3.7.2b) for the 2010-11 sampling year, led by James Cook University (JCU).

The Reef Rescue Marine Monitoring Program (herein referred to as the MMP) undertaken in the Great Barrier Reef (GBR) lagoon assesses the long-term effectiveness of the Australian and Queensland Government's Reef Water Quality Protection Plan and the Australian Government Reef Rescue initiative. The MMP was established in 2005 to help assess the long-term status and health of GBR ecosystems and is a critical component in the assessment of regional water quality as land management practices are improved across GBR catchments. The program forms an integral part of the Reef Plan Paddock to Reef Integrated Monitoring, Modelling and Reporting Program supported through Reef Plan and Reef Rescue initiatives. This report details the sampling that has taken place under the Reef Rescue Marine Monitoring Program: Terrestrial discharge into the Great Barrier Reef (project 3.7.2b) for the 2011/12 sampling year, led by James Cook University (JCU).