Suchergebnisse

"The Routledge Handbook of Planning Research Methods is an expansive look at the traditions, methods, and challenges of research design and research projects in contemporary urban planning. Through case studies, an international group of researchers, planning practitioners, and planning academics and educators, all recognized authorities in the field, provide accounts of designing and implementing research projects from different approaches and venues. This book shows how to apply quantitative and qualitative methods to projects, and how to take your research from the classroom to the real world. The book is structured into sections focusing on Beginning planning research Research design and development Rediscovering qualitative methods New advances in quantitative methods Turning research into action With chapters written by leading scholars in spatial planning, The Routledge Handbook of Planning Research Methods is the most authoritative and comprehensive handbook on the topic, providing both established and ground breaking coverage of spatial planning research methods. The book is an invaluable resource for undergraduate and graduate level students, young professionals and practitioners in urban, regional, and spatial planning. "--

Liberty has always been the connecting value across centuries, ever since the struggle between liberty and authority was noticed, paving thus the way for discus- sion and quarrels on what liberty meant. Despite its abstract features, natural liberty and liberty under the law had differentiated implications that shackled societies and triggered ideological debate. Thomas Hobbes in the seventeenth century defined li- berty as the absence of obstacles for the fulfillment of desires. As such, total indivi- dual liberty would lead to a condition of war. To avoid the destruction of individuals, it was crucial to transfer man's rights into a Sovereign in the form of a social contract. John Locke would later claim that a civil society ensured the preservation of rights. Liberty under the law meant protection against the tyranny of the political rulers. The Enlightenment movement, an intellectual and political reaction to religious bigo- try (Hamilton, 1992), praised, first and foremost, individual liberty, reason, and auto- nomy. The Enlightenment, cosmopolitan and rationally-driven, put aside the idea of custom and tradition, starting anew against the slumbers of Middle-Age superstition. Autonomy and individual liberty motivated the liberal theory to sustain its principles in important documents such as Magna Carta (1215), Bill of Rights (1689), Virginia Bill of Rights (1776) and Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789). Setting the context for the discussion of (political) liberty considering the Enlighten- ment movement and the liberal tradition in Britain, this paper focuses more specifi- cally on the interpretation that Isaiah Berlin, a 20th century British liberal, made on the Enlightenment and how it influenced the purposes and outcomes of the French Revolution under the banner of abstract and, alas, contending values like liberty and equality. By delving into Berlin's conception of liberty, we aim therefore to unveil some misconceptions about the use and appropriation of the word liberty over time. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

John Stuart Mill, a supporter of state provision of popular and secular education at a national scale in Victorian England, believed education was a means to foster human mind development, accounting also for the future progress of mankind. Unlike other utilitarian thinkers, like Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill believed that the state, in specific circumstances, should supervise education, therefore guaranteeing its quality and not only quantity. The reforms in popular and general education throughout the nineteenth century accompanied the discussion of what should be included in the curriculum of school or university studies, and of the terms defining compulsory attendance. In this context, this paper intends to explore Mill's position on education and progress in line with his approach to liberalism and to the problems of his time. We will argue that his concept of liberal education transcended formal instruction in schools. Instead, it should continuously strive for the moral and mental well-being of humankind. By largely delving into periodicals and other writings produced during the Victorian era, we shall describe the changes popular education suffered under the sway of political reform and utilitarianism, bearing witness to the spirit of the age and to Mill's approach to education.

John Stuart Mill, a supporter of state provision of popular and secular education at a national scale in Victorian England, believed education was a means to foster human mind development, accounting also for the future progress of mankind. Unlike other utilitarian thinkers, like Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill believed that the state, in specific circumstances, should supervise education, therefore guaranteeing its quality and not only quantity. The reforms in popular and general education throughout the nineteenth century accompanied the discussion of what should be included in the curriculum of school or university studies, and of the terms defining compulsory attendance. In this context, this paper intends to explore Mill's position on education and progress in line with his approach to liberalism and to the problems of his time. We will argue that his concept of liberal education transcended formal instruction in schools. Instead, it should continuously strive for the moral and mental well-being of humankind. By largely delving into periodicals and other writings produced during the Victorian era, we shall describe the changes popular education suffered under the sway of political reform and utilitarianism, bearing witness to the spirit of the age and to Mill's approach to education. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Language and politics are two inextricable concepts for George Orwell, who, writing during and after the 2nd Word War context in Britain, criticised the vagueness, the excessive use of phraseology and the powerful influence of metaphors in political language. According to the author: "In our own time, political speech and writing are largely the defence of the indefensible (.). Thus political language has to consist largely of euphemism, question- begging and sheer cloudy vagueness." (Orwell, 2000, p. 356). In a decaying time when the general political atmosphere was therefore negative, the language was also unscrupulous as it suffered from the schizophrenia, vagueness, metaphorical style and lies that defined politics in post-war Britain (Orwell, 2000, pp. 348-9). An opponent of inkhorn terms, Orwell loathed the use of the hundreds of foreign words and phrases current in English and believed that the English language, or as he highlights, "Saxon words", would cover the needs of political writers instead of Latin or Greek or/and other loans. In this article, we intend to analyse Orwell's 1946 essay "Politics and the English language", focusing on the English political context of that period, as well as to scrutinise Orwell's idea of language concreteness by delving into metaphorical phraseology and the inkhorn controversy. We will also emphasize Orwell's contemporary relevance. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

In 19th century Britain the questions of representation, parliamentary reform and democracy were more categorically discussed. The Great Reform Act of 1832 epitomised hope for many people who felt left out of the suffrage, as it would reform the British electoral system but in fact it didn't match expected outcomes. In this article we explore and assess the direct and unintended effects of the 1867 Reform Act, also known as the Second Reform Act, analysing the relation between representation and democracy as the possession of the vote and of political power were not necessarily the same thing. We also scrutinise the construction of a political discourse sustained by several playwrights, such as historians and political writers, to meet political, economic and social needs, highlighting opposing views regarding suffrage and the disbelief in democracy focusing particularly on Thomas Carlyle and his 1867 pamphlet: Shooting Niagara - And after? and some of the supporters of the extension of the franchise, namely J. S. Mill, Gladstone and Disraeli. In order to support these aims, we will also bring to light how some nineteenth century periodicals cast the debate on suffrage, namely The Illustrated London News (ILN), The Times, Fun and Punch. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The Reformation in England placed religion and faith at the centre of the English national feeling. The idea of a nation elected and blessed by God sustained the propa- gandistic discourse set in motion by Henry VIII and his closest allies, Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Thomas Cromwell, Henry's vicegerent and chief mi- nister, in an attempt to wipe papist influence in England. The printing press became paramount in the dissemination of this national discourse which introduced a set of measures, namely the dissolution and pillaging of monasteries and the imposition of a Bible in the native tongue in every church. Indeed, the translation of the Bible by Miles Coverdale, based on Tyndale's original, represents one of the most noteworthy moments of the Reformation. The purpose of this paper is thus twofold. First, we intend to reflect on how cultural history was closely intertwined with religious his- tory during Henry VIII's reign, as both religion and politics contributed to the English national unity. Not only did the construction of the idea of a nation follow nationalist and erastian criteria, but it was also still largely dependent on the tenets of both Lu- theran and Catholic beliefs, originating a clash of opinions and positions between the king, Cranmer and Cromwell. Therefore, we will analyse the Acts passed in 1534 and The Bishops' Book (1537). Secondly, we will highlight the importance of the English language and Englishness through vernacular translations and how they helped to coin a language of devotion in English. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Money-getting, mechanical progress and human happiness lay at the basis of a utilitarian conception of education in Industrial Britain. "The Benthamic or utilitarian propagandism of that time" (Mill, 1981, p. 105) accounted for the happiness of people at the greatest number possible, even if it implied a mechanical and inadequate instruction. Popular education in the first half of the nineteenth century was not only scarce in quantity, but it was also deficient in quality. John Stuart Mill, the paladin for the provision of state education at a national scale in Victorian England, believed education was a means to foster human mind development as well as it accounted for the future progress of mankind. Mill, a utilitarian and empiricist philosopher and political liberal thinker, unlike Bentham and his father James Mill, believed the state should control education therefore guaranteeing its quality and not only quantity. The reforms in education throughout the nineteenth century accompanied the discussion of what should be included in the curriculum of school or university studies. In fact, many liberal Victorian political thinkers regarded the dissemination of thorough scientific education a sine qua non condition of industrial and human progress. Therefore, education took a rather scientific outlook as Darwinian ideas throve through the educational setting of Britain. Actually, Mill's concept of education encompassed both the science and the literary studies. Within this context, the purpose of the paper is thus three-fold. First, we intend to validate that Mill's utilitarian conception of education was different from that of Bentham's. Even if Mill recognised the necessity to the mental well-being of mankind, his humanistic stance led him to believe "human nature was not a machine to be built after a model."(Mill, 1997, p. 87) Concurrent with the first aim, we will also describe the changes the national curriculum suffered under the influence of a more scientific outlook, and, lastly, we will put forth Mill's position on this matter. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Language and politics are two inextricable concepts for George Orwell, who, writing during and after 2nd Word War Britain, criticizes the vagueness and the excessive use of phraseology and ambiguity in political language. According to the author: "In our own time, political speech and writing are largely the defence of the indefensible (…). Thus political language has to consist largely of euphemism, question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness." (Orwell, 2000: 356). In a decaying time where the general political atmosphere was therefore bad, the language was also unscrupulous as it suffered from the schizophrenia, vagueness, metaphorical style and lies that defined politics in post-war Britain. An opponent of inkhorn terms, Orwell loathed the use of the hundreds of foreign words and phrases current in English and believed that the English language, or as he highlights, "Saxon words", would cover the needs of political writers instead of Latin or Greek or/and other loans. In this paper, we shall analyse Orwell's 1946 essay "Politics and the English language" from both linguistic and cultural insights, focusing on the English political status quo at the time, as well as highlighting Orwell's idea of language concreteness. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

In 19th century Britain, the century of reform par excellence, the questions of representation, parliamentary reform and democracy were more categorically discussed. The Great Reform Act of 1832 epitomised hope for many people who felt left out of the suffrage, as it would reform the British electoral system but in fact it undermined the expectations since the vote was based on property and on the payment of a rent. The growing political power of a more dominant middle class and the constant pressure of liberals made parliamentary franchise a need and a reality. For this reason, the 1867 Representation of the People Act, also known as the Second Reform Act, removed anomalies in the system the 1832 Reform Act had not addressed, and extended the vote. Within this framework, the purpose of this paper is thus twofold. On the one hand, we will assess the direct and unintended effects of the 1867 Act, exploring the relation between representation and democracy as the possession of the vote and of political power were not necessarily the same thing. On the other hand, we intend to analyse the construction of a political discourse sustained by several playwrights, such as historians and political writers, to meet political, economic, social and cultural needs. With this in mind, we will highlight opposing views regarding suffrage and the disbelief in democracy focusing particularly on Thomas Carlyle and his 1867 Pamphlet: Shooting Niagara - And after?, and some of the supporters of popular democracy and in favour of the extension of the franchise, namely J.S. Mill, W.E. Gladstone and Benjamin Disraeli. In order to support these objectives, we will also bring to light some 19th century periodicals, such as The Illustrated London News, The Sunday Times, The Times and Punch, scrutinising how they cast the debate on suffrage. ; FCT

Dating back from the French revolution, citizenship means a status that confers entitlements and benefits as well as obligations towards the state. Being a citizen is the legal state requirement to become part of the nation. National identity means inclusiveness and identifying oneself with a collective whole. Nonetheless, one can argue that concept has somehow transformed itself in its basic core. What is now the status of citizenship, in a world of gradually more deterritorialised politics? How is citizenship being reconfigured under contemporary conditions? Is postnational cosmopolitan solidarity, so proclaimed nowadays, really possible to attain? As a consequence of the world's latest terrorist attacks, both in London and in Madrid, European governments are instigating a more controlled defence of the national territory. Therefore, new immigration laws are created within this new social and political context. This paper's main purpose is to reflect on the politics of membership in Britain and the steps immigrants and ethnic minorities have to take in their journey to citizenship. Special emphasis will thus be put on the law and system of control which governs immigration and asylum in the UK. We will also make reference to the politics of membership carried on in other European countries, such as Portugal, Spain and France, in order to try to understand and compare the theory and practice of citizenship in different European countries.

Based on the assumption that everyone should have the opportunity to live the British dream, Michael Howard's 2005 Conservative Manifesto outlines a sense of nationhood, admiring excellence and encouraging ambition, whatever the background or colour of people's skin. Would this be possible? Can't we perceive in it a utopian desire to create a monoculture society? Would the same chances be given to everyone? Nonetheless, one of the main projects of the Conservative party is to set a limit on immigration in Britain. This paper's main purpose is to reflect upon the causes and consequences of immigration in Britain and what the government intends to do to integrate multicultural and multiethnic societies in the mainstream culture. Special focus will be put on a specific community in Britain: the Pakistanis. The central concern of this paper is basically to highlight similarities and differences in the concept and exercise of citizenship in Britain. ; Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia