Suchergebnisse

A partir de establecer que todo proyecto educativo es necesariamente un proyecto político, se explica cómo la modernización en la enseñanza superior y sus cambios paulatinos son planteados para la supuesta satisfacción de las demandas sociales, pero obedecen a la perspectiva gubernamental, consustanciados con la modernización y la crisis económica que el país viene enfrentando desde hace más de diez años.

This article presents a historical case study of three armed organisations that operated in Portugal before and after the April Revolution of 1974. This event put an end to Estado Novo's authoritarian regime, starting a period of transition to democracy. The armed organisations operating during Estado Novo sought, essentially, to combat the dictatorship and the Colonial War. These organisations channelled their actions towards the destruction of the regime's repressive and colonial apparatus, but refused to use lethal violence. During the transition to democracy, disillusionment caused by the negative outcome of the revolutionary process and the end of the utopia of the socialist revolution led some sectors of the radical left to return to armed struggle. This time, such actors targeted both property and human beings but were highly selective in their targeting. We analyse the narratives of restraint of former militants from across these groups, and consider how they were shaped by the evolving socio-political context. In the case of the pre-revolution organisations, we found two collectively accepted narratives inscribed in their genesis: lethal violence as counterproductive and lethal violence as philosophically and ideologically problematic. In the case of the post-revolution organisation we found one restraint narrative shared by the collective: indiscriminate lethal violence is counterproductive. Some militants also developed a restraint narrative that centred on disappointment with the organisation for its perceived operational failures. This study is based on a narrative analysis of data dispersed across personal and public archives, writings, and memoirs of individuals directly and indirectly involved in the armed struggle, with data collected through interviews with former politically violent militants. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

In Portugal, extreme right political violence can be found in two different periods: in the period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy (between 25 April 1974 and the mid1980s) and from the second half of the 1980s, leading up to the present. In the first period, militants who had been radicalised by the Colonial War (1961-1974), by the anti-imperialist mobilisation of the extreme left student movement in the academic crises of the 1960s, but also by the actions of the revolutionary leadership of the transition process after the April Revolution, were active in politically violent organisations aimed at stopping the advance of communism in Portugal. Among these organisations, the ELP (Exército de Libertação de Portugal /Portugal Liberation Army) gained salience and will be explored in-depth in this chapter. The second period was characterised by a new extreme right showcasing an ethnonationalist political identity and discourse, which fused both the ultra-nationalism of the old extreme right and the neo-Nazi racism of the skinhead subculture. Initially, the MAN (Movimento de Acção Nacional / National Action Movement) was key in uniting the nationalist militants and the skinheads. After its dismantling by the authorities, it was replaced by the PHS (Portugal Hammer Skin). The dynamics of both organisations will be explored in detail throughout this chapter. For this, the research uses a qualitative methodology based on interviews carried out with extreme right militants, on documentation produced by the different movements and on archive material produced by the police and court investigations. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Former clandestine militants' voices and stories have been recurrently silenced in the Portuguese "battle over memory", because their activities were linked to events, such as the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which have themselves been politically and socially depreciated in mainstream political narratives. Only recently did the traditional political narratives start to be questioned and debated by Portuguese scholars. Such political narratives took root in the country in the decades that followed the April Revolution, with various scholars and politicians denying the fascist categorisation of Estado Novo and adopting an authoritarian, non-totalitarian and non-fascist perspective, while recurrently depicting the Revolution as highly negative (namely as the source of the economic troubles of the country). Thus, for a long time, Portuguese conservatives opted to avoid debates on the 48 years of the Estado Novo's regime which, among other things, maintained a very repressive and violent political police force, a camp of forced labour in Cape Vert known as Tarrafal, and a Colonial War on three African fronts. This article examines the existent academic publications which counter such oblivion of memory regarding armed struggle in Portugal. It also explores the reasons behind, on the one hand, the whitewashing of Estado Novo and the historical revisionism typical of the 1970s and 1980s, and, on the other hand, the "rebellion of memory" which emerged in the 1990s. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper identifies what are understood to be key drivers of country competitiveness. These are the institutional and structural conditions in an economy that are linked with the attainment of sustainable national competitive advantages through the creation of societal conditions that lead to a collective spirit of healthy competition at the heart of which lay competent organizations. The verification of these institutional and economic conditions of national competitiveness implies the development of a profound understanding of international markets and their aesthetic idiosyncrasies, with clear consequences to the promotion of exported goods and services of high aggregated value and the stimulation of domestic demand as well as the increasing sophistication of domestic business environments. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper presents a case study on the impact of the use of natural gas cogeneration plants in industrial facilities from food companies established in the State of São Paulo, aiming at the financial and greenhouse gases emissions (GHG) analysis. It is proposed a comparison between two different energy supply models for two manufacturing plants, the first one based on electricity supply from local grid and steam from natural gas fired steam generators, and a second model that considers the industries energy needs being partially supplied through natural gas cogeneration plants which are installed in each one of the companies. This study indicates the differences of the financial results for supplying electricity and steam in both models proposed, describing the main variations and the reasons for those, besides identifying the main current tariff benefits in the legislation for the different classes of power plants and Energy Market. The summarized greenhouse gases inventory is presented for both industries as well, and a later assessment of environmental impact from the studied cogeneration plants in the overall GHG emissions in the two proposed scenarios is done. Finally, it is presented the relation analysis between electricity and steam supplying costs if compared with the greenhouse gases emissions levels for both proposed scenarios, and how public policies can act in order to guide emissions decreasing, since São Paulo State has promulgated a law in which establishes a major GHG emissions reduction to 2020.

From its inception in 2015, the Prevent Duty has required educators, and other members of the social sector, to exercise 'due regard' in preventing pupils from being drawn into terrorism, irrespective of the age of the child. This article explores how primary educators have understood and implemented this preventative security policy in their schools. Analysis is based on a survey of 345 primary school educators and 37 semi-structured interviews with primary school educators and Prevent Education Officers from the West Midlands. Through a lens of governmentality, we shed light on how this mandate has been broadly interpreted and exercised by educators within and outside the school gates. In so doing, we contribute to debates on the puzzling acceptance of Prevent in education, on the process whereby educators identify threats, and on the securitisation of educational spaces in a risk society. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article traces the personal and cultural voices expressed in the life-story interview of a former politically violent militant regarding her engagement with and disengagement from the armed struggle. Rather than looking at the macro and meso aspects related to politically motivated violence, we examine micro-narratives which express individual arguments, sociocultural discourses, and negotiations within and between them, These are voiced in the dynamics that take place within the self-system at times of key identity transitions (e.g., from being a committed militant to becoming a former militant). In this vein, we highlight how the embodied emotional chords of personal positions, the development of meta-positions, and the positioning and repositioning movements within the dialogical self, facilitate the emergence of new and more adaptive meanings in the personal meaning system of former militants. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion