Suchergebnisse

The importance of Thomas Hobbes's account of personation and representation can hardly be overstated. And his intellectual debt to one of his classical foes, Marcus Tullius Cicero, can hardly be ignored. This paper compares Hobbes's ideas on personhood of the state with Cicero's notion of persona civitatis, and attempts to describe how Hobbes reshaped Cicero's guidelines for (re)presenting legitimate authority into a prop for defending any effective authority. Hobbes absorbs Cicero's influential argument and builds on the idea of civic representation as guardianship done by role-playing, while tearing down Cicero's account's ethical foundations. In contrast to Cicero's magistrate, the social role of Hobbes's sovereign is not scripted by ethical constrains: its purpose is not to restrict license, but to present it. ; Teško je prenaglasiti važnost ideja Tomasa Hobsa o licu, ličnosti i predstavljaju. Takođe, teško je zanemariti dug koji u ovom pogledu Hobs ima prema jednom od svojih klasičnih suparnika, Marku Tuliju Ciceronu. U ovom radu poredim Hobsove ideje o ličnosti države sa Ciceronovim pojmom persone civitatis i nastojim da opišem kako je Hobs oblikovao Ciceronova uputstva za predstavljanje legitimne vladavine u mehanizam za odbranu bilo kakve efektivne vladavine. Hobs apsorbuje Ciceronovu uticajnu argumentaciju i razvija njegovu ideju političkog predstavljanja kao uloge i jedne vrste starateljstva, pri čemu uklanja etičke temelje Ciceronove teorije. Za razliku od uloge Ciceronovog magistrata, društvena uloga Hobsovog suverena nije uslovljena etičkim ograničenjima: njena svrha nije da ublaži samovolju dužnosnika već da joj pruži opravdanje.

This paper argues that Thomas Hobbes's theory contains an account of progressive defragmentation and unification of power, accompanied by the progression in human reasoning capacities. If the consequence of human nature is abandonment of natural condition and subjection to a sovereign, then similar principles should apply to the sovereigns themselves, since Hobbes sees them as continuing to exist in the state of nature. In turn, the relations between sov- ereigns must also lead to defragmentation of political authority, either by conquest or through peaceful submission. Total defragmentation of power might also have eschatological consequences, as the unified power of one human being over the whole world would remove "external violence" as a cause of "the dissolution of a commonwealth" while the perfection of reason would progressively remove the "internal" causes. This is a hypothetical situation that could relate Hobbes's description of the Kingdom of God from Leviathan to his wider political theory by marking the single sovereign representative of now immortal all-encompass- ing Leviathan as the Antichrist and thus announcing the second coming of Christ. ; Argument ovog rada je da teorija Tomasa Hobsa sadrži ideju progresivnog ukrupnjavanja i ujedinjenja moći koju prati napredovanje ljudskog razuma. Ukoliko je napuštanje prirodnog stanja i potčinjavanje suverenu posledica ljudske prirode, slično bi trebalo da važi i za same suverene, pošto Hobs smatra da oni i dalje žive u prirodnom stanju. Prema tome, odnosi među suverenima trebalo bi takođe da vode do ukrupnjavanja političke vlasti, kako osvajanjem, tako i miroljubivom predajom vlasti. Eventualna potpuna defragmentacija moći može takođe imati i eshatološke posledice, pošto bi objedinjena moć jednog čoveka nad celim svetom uklonila nasilje koje je pretilo od drugih suverena kao razlog raspadanja države, dok bi napredak razuma postepeno uklonio njene unutrašnje nesavršenosti. Ova bi hipotetička situacija mogla povezati Hobsov opis carstva Božjeg iz Levijatana sa njegovom širom političkom teorijom: jedinstveni suvereni predstavnik (sada) besmrtnog i sveobuhvatnog levijatana bi se mogao smatrati Antihristom, što bi najavilo drugi Hristov dolazak.

This paper argues that Thomas Hobbes's theory contains an account of progressive defragmentation and unification of power, accompanied by the progression in human reasoning capacities. If the consequence of human nature is abandonment of natural condition and subjection to a sovereign, then similar principles should apply to the sovereigns themselves, since Hobbes sees them as continuing to exist in the state of nature. In turn, the relations between sovereigns must also lead to defragmentation of political authority, either by conquest or through peaceful submission. Total defragmentation of power might also have eschatological consequences, as the unified power of one human being over the whole world would remove 'external violence' as a cause of 'the dissolution of a commonwealth' while the perfection of reason would progressively remove the 'internal' causes. This is a hypothetical situation that could relate Hobbes's description of the Kingdom of God from Leviathan to his wider political theory by marking the single sovereign representative of now immortal all-encompassing Leviathan as the Antichrist and thus announcing the second coming of Christ. ; Argument ovog rada je da teorija Tomasa Hobsa sadrži ideju progresivnog ukrupnjavanja i ujedinjenja moći koju prati napredovanje ljudskog razuma. Ukoliko je napuštanje prirodnog stanja i potčinjavanje suverenu posledica ljudske prirode, slično bi trebalo da važi i za same suverene, pošto Hobs smatra da oni i dalje žive u prirodnom stanju. Prema tome, odnosi među suverenima trebalo bi takođe da vode do ukrupnjavanja političke vlasti, kako osvajanjem, tako i miroljubivom predajom vlasti. Eventualna potpuna defragmentacija moći može takođe imati i eshatološke posledice, pošto bi objedinjena moć jednog čoveka nad celim svetom uklonila nasilje koje je pretilo od drugih suverena kao razlog raspadanja države, dok bi napredak razuma postepeno uklonio njene unutrašnje nesavršenosti. Ova bi hipotetička situacija mogla povezati Hobsov opis carstva Božjeg iz Levijatana sa njegovom širom političkom teorijom: jedinstveni suvereni predstavnik (sada) besmrtnog i sveobuhvatnog levijatana bi se mogao smatrati Antihristom, što bi najavilo drugi Hristov dolazak.

The article explores Polybius's view from Book Six of Histories in which he argues that the Roman constitution was superior to other mixed systems of government because it evolved naturally. The novelty of Polybius's approach within the wider classical tradition is examined by contrasting his account with Plato's and Aristotle's. The architecture of the two kinds of mixed constitutions is then compared: the Spartan government is taken as a model of a good planned constitution and the Roman constitution as the best naturally evolving system of government. The main be nefit of the natural constitution over all other constitutions, simple and mixed, is its stability, and the final part of the paper addresses a plausible way in which Polybius thought such a constitution was reached in Rome and situates this historical account within his theory of anacyclosis. ; Tekst se bavi Polibijevim razmatranjima iz šeste knjige Istorija, gde helenski autor tvrdi da je rimski ustav bio nadmoćniji u poređenju sa drugim mešovitim porecima zato što se razvijao prirodno. Novina Polibijevog pristupa unutar šire klasične tradicije ispitana je kroz poređenje njegovih ideja sa Platonovim i Aristotelovim. Zatim, upoređena je struktura dveju vrsta mešovitih ustava – spartanski ustav je primer dobrog planiranog ustava, a rimski ustav je najbolji sistem vladanja koji se razvio na prirodan način. Osnovna prednost prirodnog ustava nad ostalim ustavima, bilo da su čistog ili mešovitog oblika, jeste njegova stabilnost, a završni deo teksta bavi se načinima na koje je Rim došao do takvog poretka i postavlja ovo razmatranje u okvire Polibijeve teorije o anaciklozisu.

The article explores Polybius's view from Book Six of Histories in which he argues that the Roman constitution was superior to other mixed systems of government because it evolved naturally. The novelty of Polybius's approach within the wider classical tradition is examined by contrasting his account with Plato's and Aristotle's. The architecture of the two kinds of mixed constitutions is then compared: the Spartan government is taken as a model of a good planned constitution and the Roman constitution as the best naturally evolving system of government. The main be nefit of the natural constitution over all other constitutions, simple and mixed, is its stability, and the final part of the paper addresses a plausible way in which Polybius thought such a constitution was reached in Rome and situates this historical account within his theory of anacyclosis.

This paper deals with the coherence of the tripartite criterion that makes the representative government the best form of government in John Stuart Mill's political philosophy. The first part of the paper presents the tripartite criterion for distinguishing Mill's optimal form of government: progressiveness, utility - maximising rule and good institutions. The second and the third part of the paper examine some of the possible tensions between these three elements, as well as certain problems that might arise in their practical application. Finally, this paper offers an interpretation that, by taking Mill's anthropology and psychology into account, aims (1) to resolve the internal tensions that might appear to exist between the three features of Mill's account of representative government and (2) to solve some of the more practical concerns related to their implementation. ; Ovaj se rad bavi usklađenošću kriterijuma koji čine predstavničku vladu najpoželjnijim oblikom vladavine u političkoj filozofiji Džona Stjuarta Mila. U prvom delu rada predstavljene su tri osnovne odlike Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine. Za Mila, to su: posvećenost napretku, vladavina u skladu sa korisnošću i dobro uređene ustanove. U drugom i trećem delu rada ispitane su napetosti između ova tri kriterijuma, kao i problemi koji mogu nastati njihovom praktičnom primenom. Predstavljeno je tumačenje koje, uzimajući u obzir Milovu antropološku i psihološku teoriju, nudi jedan od načina na koji se neke od napetosti između elemenata Milovog najboljeg oblika vladavine mogu prevazići.

Makijaveli putokaz za uspostavljanje poretka među ljudima koji svoj sebični lični interes pretpostavljaju opštem dobru šalje u dramskoj formi komedije, u Mandragoli. Prvo predstavljamo likove u komadu kao junake doba radikalnog odsustva smisla. Potom u Liguriovom planu za osvajanje udate lepotice Lukrecije pronalazimo smernice za mirno uspostavljanje novog poretka u senci starog koji, onemoćao, prevaren i slab, ne pruža nikakav otpor. U trećem delu u ovoj naizgled lakoj komediji rasvetljavamo uputstvo za skrivenu revoluciju, koja se ostvaruje zahvaljujući smelosti državnika i lukavosti njegovog savetnika. Zaključujemo da Makijaveli u Mandragoli razmatra scenario koji nije dobio dovoljno pažnje u njegovim drugim delima: uspostavljanje dobrog poretka u iskvarenoj republici.

In The Mandrake, Machiavelli uses the form of a comedic play to point at a way of establishing a constitution suitable for people who put their personal interest before the common good. In this paper we first present the play's characters as champions of an age that is radically deprived of sense and purpose. In Ligurio's plan to win over the beautiful but married Lucretia, we recover the guidelines for the peaceful creation of a new constitution within the shadows of the old political system which, debilitated and weak, offers no resistance. Finally, in this seemingly frivolous play, we uncover a pathway to a hidden revolution, accomplished by the statesman's bravado and his advisor's cunning. We conclude that in The Mandrake Machiavelli sketches up the scenario which never got sufficient attention in his other works: how to establish a good constitution within a corrupt republic.