Suchergebnisse

The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda led the United Nations and global civil society to attempt to reinvent the international atrocity prevention regime. The advent of the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect was to supposed to represent a new-found dedication to the goal of preventing mass atrocities and to intervene to stop them when they do break out. However, the situation of the Rohingya in Myanmar, who have been subject to years of persecution, ethnic cleansing, and – since 2017 – many elements of genocide, suggests that there has been more continuity than change. Rather, many of the same issues that plagued the global response to Rwanda are problematic again with respect to the Rohingya. This essay examines both the promise of change in the global anti-atrocity regime after Rwanda as well as the shortcomings that continue to plague the international response to atrocity.

Political participation is a fundamental element of democracy. Yet in Zambia, as in many African countries undergoing democratic transitions amid conditions of high poverty, economic circumstances may hinder or dissuade people from participating in the political process. Using evidence from the district & individual levels of analyses, this article finds that economic trends helped shape patterns of political participation in the first five years of Zambia's new democracy, with economic difficulties depressing voter registration & turnout. 4 Tables, 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Political participation is a fundamental element of democracy. Yet in Zambia, as in many African countries undergoing democratic transitions amid conditions of high poverty, economic circumstances may hinder or dissuade people from participating in the political process. Using evidence from the district & individual levels of analyses, this article finds that economic trends helped shape patterns of political participation in the first five years of Zambia's new democracy, with economic difficulties depressing voter registration & turnout. 4 Tables, 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

1. Introduction -- 2. Memorialization in Rwanda: The legal, social, and digital constructions of the memorial narrative -- 3. Breaking the Silence: Memorialization and Cultural Repair in the Aftermath of the Armenian Genocide -- 4. Let Them Speak: An Effort to Reconnect Communities of Survivors in a Digital Archive -- 5. (Re)producing the past online: Oral history and social media-based discourse on Cambodian performing arts in the aftermath of genocide -- 6. From the material to the digital: Reflections on collecting and exhibiting grief at the 9/11 Memorial Museum -- 7. Teaching and learning in virtual places of exception: Gone Gitmo and the Guantánamo Bay museum of art and history -- 8. The slow rise of social movement organizations for memorialization in Haiti: Lutte Contre Impunite, Devoire de Memoire-Haiti and the struggle for digitizing the truth -- 9. "Rebuilding the jigsaw of memory": The discourse of Portuguese colonial war veterans' blogs -- 10. Conclusion.

France is frequently identified as the country whose official development assistance (ODA) aid program is most oriented toward the promotion of its foreign policy goals. We examine whether France reoriented the allocation of its aid in Africa to reflect changing priorities in the 1990s. Using panel data, we compare the patterns in French aid allocation to African recipients during the period 1980-1989 with that during the period 1990-2000. We find that nearly all the same political, economic, diplomatic, & cultural variables that explain French ODA allocation during the Cold War apply in the second period as well, though to a slightly lesser degree. The predictive strength of the prior years' ODA commitments did increase in magnitude, suggesting that bureaucratic inertia increasingly exerts a formidable force in such decisions. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the authors investigate the effects of economic conditions on support for an incumbent regime in a new African democracy. Drawing on two unique data sources from Zambia—the results of a 1,200-respondent postelection survey and a pair of 10,000-household poverty surveys conducted in the same years as that country's first two posttransition general elections—the authors find evidence that declining economic conditions coincide with the withdrawal of support for the incumbent president, although the effects of changing economic conditions are relatively small compared to noneconomic determinants of the vote such as ethnic affiliation and urban/rural location. The authors also find that, to the extent that voters respond to declining economic conditions, they do so via withdrawal from the electoral process rather than via support for the opposition. The findings suggest that African electorates are at least modestly responsive to economic trends but that noneconomic motivations still predominate in any given election.