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Geoff Simons profiles the appalling human-rights record of modern Indonesia, against a history of the country. Brutal repression, the unjust legal system and corrupt nepotism are described, with attention to the independence struggles of the East Timorese and West Papuans. The historical survey includes the anti-colonialist campaign, the role of Sukarno as first president, the Suharto decades, the 1998 appointment of Habibie as third president and the social chaos caused by economic collapse. It also describes how the United States and Britain plotted anti-Sukarno coups , supported 1960s massacres, and protected the despotic Suharto regime.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Afterword -- Part I. Pariah Politics -- 1. Who is to Judge? -- 2. US - The Arrogance of Hegemony -- 3. Iraq - The Background -- Part II. Crisis Chronology -- 4. From UN Coalition …(June to November 1997) -- 5. … To US Military Countdown (November 1997 to February 1998) -- Part III. End Game? -- 6. The Annan Deal -- Appendix I Adverse Consequences of Economic Sanctions on the Enjoyment of Human Rights, UN Economic and Social Council -- Appendix II Security Council Resolution 687 (3 April 1991) -- Appendix III Security Council Resolution 1134 (23 October 1997) -- Appendix IV Security Council Resolution 1137 (12 November 1997) -- Appendix V Security Council Resolution 1143 (4 December 1997) -- Appendix VI Press Conference (Kofi Annan and Tariq Aziz, Baghdad, 23 February 1998) - Extracts -- Appendix VII Security Council Resolution 1154 (2 March 1998) -- Appendix VIII Procedures under paragraph 4(b) of the Memorandum of Understanding between the United Nations and the Republic of Iraq of 23 February 1998 -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- The Chronology of Genocide -- Preface to the Second Edition -- Preface to the First Edition -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 The Legacy of War -- Preamble -- The War -- The Targets -- The People -- The Environment -- The Desolation -- 2 The Chronology of Sanctions -- Preamble -- The Chronology of Sanctions -- The Disarmament Issue -- The 706/712/986 Ploy -- 3 Targeting the Powerless -- Preamble -- The Ravaged Environment -- The Sanctions System -- Suffer the Children -- Suffer the Women -- The Food Weapon -- The Health Weapon -- Epilogue -- 4 The Face of Genocide -- The Sanctions Option -- The League and the United Nations -- The US and Sanctions -- Law and the Gulf -- The Face of Genocide -- Epilogue -- 5 The New Holocaust -- Preamble -- Slow Extermination -- Propaganda and 986 -- 1990s Genocide -- Superpower Isolation -- Epilogue -- Appendices -- 1 Security Council Resolutions 660 and 661 -- 2 EEC Declaration concerning the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait -- and Council Regulation (EEC) No. 2340/90 -- 3 Security Council Resolution 687 -- 4 Security Council Resolutions 707 and 715 -- 5 Security Council Resolutions 706, 712 and 986 -- 6 Rights of the Child, Note Verbale (16 January 1995) from Iraq to UN Centre for Human Rights, Geneva -- 7 The Impact of the Blockade on Iraq, Note Verbale (16 January 1995) from Iraq to UN Centre for Human Rights, Geneva - Extract -- 8 Malaysian Conference Resolution (May 1994) against Economic Sanctions on Iraq -- 9 Protocol 1, Addition to the Geneva Conventions, 1977 - Extract -- 10 Criminal Complaint against the United States by Ramsey Clark (14 November 1996), former Attorney- General of the United States -- 11 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

In the 21st century, great power geopolitics is back as the Western-centric U.S. unipolar order is facing relative decline due to the challenges posed by the non-Western-centric multipolar order, specifi cally by China and Russia. In political and practical terms, geopolitics is about being able to manage and represent the nature of international relations in terms of actor relations and power dynamics. It concerns the ability of actors to make representations and interpretations of actors, events, and processes taking place in the physical realm. Informational geopolitics as an indirect and non-kinetic form of competition and confl ict has gained increasing prominence in the 21st century, where information and knowledge form the fi fth dimension of strategy. This leads to increasingly unstable international relations as the U.S. seeks to prevent other powers from growing at its expense. Hence, the critical role played by Western mainstream mass media outlets as a means of obstructive foreign policy in preserving the unipolar order through specifi c discursive practices employed in international news. Critical discourse analysis is used to analyse and interpret Western news stories on "inevitable" and "imminent" Chinese and Russian invasions. Informational geopolitics is used as a means of limiting opponent's operational choices and opportunities in their pursuit of foreign policy objectives.

Although information is nothing new to war or conflict, the speed at which it reaches a much wider target audience, and thus its potential impact and consequences, is changing due to the rapid development of information and communications technology. Regime change and information warfare have been around for a very long time in the history of organised human societies. An undertaken review of academic literature demonstrates a great interest today to these concepts in academic, policymaking and practical terms. The present article attempts to track the evolution of the Western conceptual and theoretical thinking on the use of regime change and information warfare, seeking to understand the factors that precipitate it. In the paper I address the following, what is the relationship between information warfare and regime change? The high level of information and communications technology development and persisting leadership globally have allowed the United States to engage in regime change and information warfare more effective, although not without risks. The author considers the most illustrative examples of such engagement and, based on them, concludes that we have seen a shift in motivation from an offensive stance (the desire to spread influence) to a defensive one (the desire to prevent other international actors from gaining influence and power) on the global level. The theoretical method chosen for the analysis is phenomenology, as a means of the reading and analysis of a lived experience as well as a qualitative method will be used to analyse the data, where the goal is to capture the complexity of the object of study.

Armed conflicts are generally associated with the use of hard power for coercing and forcing an opponent to do something against its will in a situation where war is an extension of politics. However, there are many scholarly observations about the important role of soft power in armed conflicts, the interaction between hard and soft power, and the effects on one another within the framework of an armed conflict. This paper explores two specific armed conflicts, the 2003 U.S.-led military intervention in Iraq and the 2015 Russian intervention in Syria. Various aspects of hard and soft power approaches are discussed, and the outcome of military operations for the national soft power potential is analyzed. The results of the study show that whereas the Iraq War came as a disaster for the U.S., the military operation in Syria—despite dire predictions—created strengths and opportunities for Russia in international relations. © 2021, Foreign Policy Research Foundation. All rights reserved.

Since the mid-2000s, Russia has joined a list of countries that seek to use nation branding to fulfil politically determined and directed national ambitions. In taking stock of the current debate on this issue, the author addresses how Russia uses nation branding, what ends this is intended to serve, and what tangible resources are exploited to brand the country

Since the mid-2000s, Russia has joined a list of countries that seek to use nation branding to fulfil politically determined and directed national ambitions. In taking stock of the current debate on this issue, the author addresses how Russia uses nation branding, what ends this is intended to serve, and what tangible resources are exploited to brand the country

This article examines the nature of the origin, definitions and functional principles of so-called fake news - reports that are deliberately false in nature which can create a stir in society around a non-existent informational case born of the same news source. In combination with viral technologies and mechanisms of distribution in the media and social networks, fake news in modern political campaigns is becoming a dangerous tool for influencing mass consciousness of societies. The main task of fake news in modern political campaigns and processes is interception of the political agenda, with its subsequent closure to the news feed generated by the fake news itself, as well as creation of general excitement around the given news story. This present article seeks to review and analyse the academic debates on the what (definition), how (operationalization) and why (motivation) questions pertaining to the fake news phenomena. These aspects are then combined to generate the beginnings of creating a conceptual taxonomy to understand this highly topical and emotive concept. © 2021, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Faculty of Journalism. All rights reserved.

This article seeks to compare and analyse the historical and contemporary arguments concerning the existence of the brand the 'Great Game' in Central Asia with that of a 'new' Great Game in the South Caucasus, while assessing the validity and problems of using this term. The article analyses the regional state of affairs and possible impacts of the Russian factor in forging close relations between South Caucasus states and NATO. It is argued that Russia's and NATO's vested interests in the region rhetorically contribute to European security system in the context of the security environment after the Georgian-Russian War of 2008 and its repercussions. NATO's presence may be interpreted as counterbalancing the Russian military presence in the region, but there are also clear limits to the alliance's willingness to actively engage in the region, not least the reluctance to antagonize Moscow. The context of geopolitical competition may be interpreted as a 'new' Great Game sharing similarities with nineteenth century competition of great powers, yet a number of clear differences also exist relative to the traditional Great Game. © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.

Patient and public involvement (PPI) improves the quality of health research and ensures that research is relevant to patients' needs. Though PPI is increasingly evident in clinical and health services research, there are few examples in the research literature of effective PPI in translational and laboratory-based research. In this paper, we describe the development and evaluation of PPI in a multi-centre European project (EuroTEAM – Towards Early biomarkers in Arthritis Management) that included both translational and laboratory-based and psychosocial research. We found that although most PPI in EuroTEAM was centred around the psychosocial research, there were examples of PPI in the laboratory studies. As the project evolved, researchers became better at accommodating PPI and identifying PPI opportunities. It was generally agreed that PPI had a positive impact on the project overall, particularly on public engagement with the research. We concluded that the inclusion of both psychosocial and laboratory-based research in the same project facilitated PPI across all aspects of the research. In future projects, we would try to specify individual PPI activities in more detail at the project-planning stage, and better accommodate patient partners who are not native speakers of English. Background Patient and public involvement (PPI) enhances research quality and relevance and is central to contemporary health policy. The value of PPI has been recognised in rheumatology research, though there are limited examples of PPI in basic and translational science. The EU FP7 funded 'EuroTEAM' (Towards Early biomarkers in Arthritis Management) project was established to develop biomarker-based approaches to predict the future development of rheumatoid arthritis and incorporated psychosocial research to investigate the perceptions of 'at risk' individuals about predictive testing, and to develop informational resources about rheumatoid arthritis (RA) risk. Patient involvement was central to EuroTEAM from the inception of the ...

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