The adoption of the Act on Prevention of Domestic Violence was driven by the creation of a more effective legal framework for the protection of victims of domestic violence, and, therefore, also by the alignment of the legal system of the Republic of Serbia with international obligations. The main novelties include multi-sectoral cooperation and primarily preventive nature of the law. However, from its very adoption, it has been pointed to its noticeably repressive character, as well as to provisions with potentially harmful impacts. Hence, this paper represents a contribution to the discussion on the importance and scope of the solutions provided for in the Act on Prevention of Domestic Violence. On the one hand, it points to major novelties intended to contribute to a more effective prevention of domestic violence. On the other hand, it questions the constitutionality and appropriateness of some of the legal solutions, arguing that, in particular respects, the lawmaker had to use a wiser and more subtle approach to conceptualising the provisions of this law.
It is undoubted that the President of the Republic of Serbia represents the most controversial debating issue in constitutional theory and practice. We can find completely opposite attitudes toward the constitutional status of the President of the Republic: on the one hand, the prevailing opinion that the President of the Republic has an active role in the executive branch of the government, but on the other hand, the opinion that the President of the Republic is a figurehead and has only a moderating role. If we remain focused only on normative analysis, there is no doubt that we will be brought to a conclusion that the constitution-maker insisted on the moderating role of the President of the Republic making him an independent constitutional body providing the balance in the system of government. However, if we only analyze functioning of the system of government in practice, it is necessary to conclude that the president of the Republic has an active role in the executive branch. This gap between the written and the real Constitution is a consequence of mistakes and negligence in creating institutional physiognomy of the president of the Republic. Namely, the direct election of the president of the Republic is not followed by adequate powers. We can say that implementation of the semi- presidential system can be one of the possible ways to overcome shortcomings of the constitutional status of the President of the Republic of Serbia in the 2006 Constitution. ; Nesumnjivo, predsednik Republike Srbije je institucija koja izaziva najviše kontroverzi prilikom teorijskopravnih rasprava. U teoriji se mogu susresti dijametralno suprotni stavovi o ustavnopravnom položaju predsednika Republike. Sa jedne strane, dominira stav da predsednik Republike predstavlja aktivnu vlast u okviru egzekutive, dok se sa druge strane zastupa teza da ova institucija ima ulogu moderatorne i pasivne vlasti. Ukoliko bi se zadržali isključivo na normativnoj analizi, nema dileme da bi zaključak bio da je ustavotvorac nastojao da od predsednika Republike stvori moderatornu vlast koja svojim nezavisnim ustavnopravnim položajem treba da doprinosi uspostavljanju ravnoteže u sistemu vlasti. Ipak, ako analizi podvrgnemo isključivo funkcionisanje sistema vlasti u praksi, neminovno bi zaključili da je predsednik Republike aktivni deo egzekutive. Ovaj raskorak pisanog i realnog ustava posledica je propusta i protivrečnosti pri ustavnom oblikovanju institucionalne fizionomije predsednika Republike. Naime, neposredan izbor predsednika Republike nije propraćen ovlašćenjima koja su prirodna posledica takvog načina izbora. Može se reći da bi uspostavljanje polupredsedničkog sistema mogao biti jedan od mogućih načina prevazilaženja nedostataka u ustavnopravnom položaju predsednika Republike iz 2006. godine.
The authors examine possibility of direct democracy revival in contemporary environment. Based upon thought that performance of sovereign power should not be placed too far from the people as the real holder of sovereignty, they foster idea of a wider use of institutions typical for direct democracy. They suggest that it might be the first step towards revitalization of ancient Athenian type of democracy in new circumstances. Along with the fast technological development and expansion of new information technologies, technical limitations are not a vast obstacle anymore in establishing something what could be qualified as an 'electronic agora'. Electronic popular initiatives and electronic referendums could be become quick, efficient and inexpensive modes in acquiring social consensus upon the most important legal and political issues. The authors hold that a kind of Rousseau's social contract could have a chance to be realized in a cyber space, through a kind of cyber ecclesia. ; Autori u radu razmatraju mogućnost ponovnog oživljavanja neposredne demokratije u savremenim uslovima. Polazeći od ideje da se vršenje suverene vlasti ne sme suviše udaljiti od naroda kao stvarnog nosioca suverenosti, autori se zalažu za širu upotrebu institucija neposredne demokratije, što bi moglo predstavljati samo prvi korak ka revitalizaciji neposredne antičke demokratije atinskog tipa, ali u drugačijim okolnostima. Uz ubrzani tehnološki razvoj i napredovanje informacionih tehnologija, tehnička ograničenja ne predstavljaju više veliku prepreku uspostavljanju onoga što se može nazvati 'elektronska agora'. Elektronske narodne inicijative i elektronski referendumi bi mogli postati brz, efikasan i jeftin način postizanja društvenog konsensusa oko najvažnijih pravnih i politički pitanja. Autori stoje na stanovištu da bi jedan oblik Rusoovog društvenog ugovora danas možda mogao zaživeti u sajber prostoru, u nekoj vrsti sajber eklezije.
The goal of this paper is to analyze transformations of human rights in contemporary societies, as a result of intricacy of law and moral. Human rights, derived from the noble idea of natural rights, are becoming today an instrument of global politics with covert totalitarian tendencies. Most of contemporary wars are led with an excuse of universalization of human rights and spreading of concept of 'good governance'. Ideological nature of human rights, which is visible in unidirectional understanding and spreading the idea of 'good' life, is entirely evident. The authors, after analyzing and criticizing unselective transplanting and 'value burdening' of the notion of human rights in the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, take a position of moral relativism of human rights, which would best suite to contemporary pluralistic societies. ; U ovom radu autori analiziraju preobražaje ljudskih prava u savremenom društvu, koji predstavljaju posledicu isprepletenosti prava i morala. Ljudska prava, koja su izrasla iz plemenite ideje prirodnih prava, danas sve više postaju sredstvo vođenja svetske politike, sa skrivenim totalitarnim tendencijama. Pod izgovorom univerzalizacije ljudskih prava i širenja koncepta 'dobre vladavine' vodi se najveći broj ratova današnjice. Ideološki karakter ljudskih prava, koji se ogleda u jednosmernom razumevanju i širenju ideje 'dobrog' života, je potpuno primetan, a ponekad i ogoljen. Nakon analize i kritike neselektivnog preuzimanja i vrednosnog punjenja pojma ljudskih prava u Ustavu Republike Srbije, autori zastupaju stanovište moralnog (vrednosnog) relativizma u odnosu na ljudska prava, koje bi najbolje odgovaralo savremenim pluralističkim društvima.
Since their emergence in ancient times - although in rudimentary form - human rights have continually evolved and have undergone multiple transformations. The initial stage in the development of human rights is characterised by their extremely modest and restrictive practice, as well as by the emergence of the first ideas of natural law that did not tend to change the unjust social reality. The stage of institutionalisation, which began in the Middle Ages, is characterised by the struggle to reduce the monarch's absolute power. This process has enabled a gradual recognition of human rights, primarily the guarantees of personal liberty and security. The process of constitutionalization of human rights, which began with glorious revolutions in the USA and France, was inspired by medieval ideas of natural law. At the time, the natural law theories were actualised for the first time in their history. The next stage in the development of human rights occurred after World War II, with the beginning of the process of their internationalisation and the emergence of human rights protection mechanisms at the international level. Nevertheless, in the recent decades of their development, through conversion into an ideology, human rights have increasingly become a means for manipulation. With their relativization and the growing trend of removing the line between rights and morality, there appeared interpretations that could justify (or condemn) very different life situations and thus present the basis for the application of double standards. Accordingly, human rights must be redefined and freed from association with natural law features; otherwise, they will remain a means for manipulation and pursuit of ethically (non)controversial political goals. ; Od njihove pojave, doduše u rudimentarnom obliku, u starom veku, ljudska prava su neprestano evoluirala i višestruko su transformisana. Početnu fazu u razvoju ljudskih prava odlikuje njihova izrazito skromna i restriktivna praksa, kao i nastanak prvih prirodnopravnih ideja koje nisu imale pretenziju da menjaju nepravednu društvenu stvarnost. Fazu institucionalizacije ljudskih prava, započetu u srednjem veku, odlikuje borba za sužavanje monarhove apsolutne vlasti. U tom procesu se postepeno zadobijaju ljudska prava, i to prevashodno garantije lične slobode i bezbednosti. Proces konstitucionalizacije ljudskih prava, započet slavnim revolucijama u SAD i Francuskoj, podstaknut je srednjovekovnim prirodnopravnim idejama. Tada, prvi put u svojoj istoriji, prirodnopravne teorije bivaju otelovljene u stvarnosti. Sledeća faza u njihovom razvoju nastupila je nakon Drugog svetskog rata, kada je došlo do procesa internacionalizacije ljudskih prava i nastanka mehanizama njihove zaštite na međunarodnoj ravni. Međutim, ljudska prava u poslednjim decenijama svog razvoja putem ideologizacije postaju sve više sredstvo manipulacije. Njihovim relativizovanjem, kao i sve prisutnijim trendom brisanja granica između prava i morala, javljaju se interpretacije koje mogu opravdati (ili osuditi) veoma različite životne situacije i tako predstavljati podlogu za primenu dvostrukih standarda. Upravo iz tog razloga, ljudska prava moraju biti redefinisana i oslobođena svih prirodnopravnih primesa, jer će, u suprotnom, ona i dalje ostati sredstvo za manipulisanje i ostvarivanje moralno (ne)spornih političkih ciljeva.
