Suchergebnisse

The recent historiography of twentieth-century dictatorships has been marked by the innovative exploration of the relations between ordinary citizens and the political police, uncovering systems of social practices characterized by ambiguity, accommodation, and opportunism—all of which contributed to the perpetuation of the dictatorial order. By contrast, the historiography of Salazar's political police (PIDE) has continued to focus on its modalities of repression and the small minority of oppositionists at which these were directed. This article seeks to understand why. It argues that the historiography of the PIDE has not only become embroiled in memory politics, but is also actively involved in upholding a certain social memory of the PIDE. Renovating the study of the PIDE implies releasing the historiography from its current memorializing inflection and opening up the academic field to new research objects. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Under the Salazar regime, many Portuguese citizens spontaneously interacted with the secret police (PIDE), sending it letters of denunciation, prospective applications and petitions. The historians of theEstado Novo, by reducing the nature of the relations between the PIDE and society to its mechanisms of top-down repression, have overlooked the significance of the phenomenon. Drawing on the inputs of the international bibliography on accusatory practices and 'everyday life' under dictatorship, this article looks at the PIDE through the subjective perspectives of the individual citizens who approached it 'from below', thereby nuancing and complementing the established narrative of violence and repression. It focuses on the instrumentalisation of the PIDE by ordinary citizens as: an influential sponsor; an appropriable device of coercion; an instrument of private conflict resolution; a platform for collaborative interaction with the regime; an economic opportunity. The article also puts forward an interpretation of these 'everyday' interactions as part of a broader system of governance used by the authorities of the New State.

UID/HIS/04209/2013 ; Under the Salazar regime many Portuguese citizens wrote spontaneous letters of denunciation to the authorities. The phenomenon has been overlooked by historians of the Estado Novo. This article discusses a particular set of denunciation letters written during the final decade of the regime, held in a single file at the pide Archives (antt). It establishes a typology of denunciations and evaluates the role of social self-policing in the Estado Novo. It argues that society's relationship with the secret police was multi-faceted and not reducible to the status of "passive victim" commonly ascribed to it. ; publishersversion ; published

The visit of Pope Paul VI at Fatima on May 13, 1967, provides us with a perspective that reveals the nature of relations between the Catholic Church and the New State at the entrance of the last years of the regime. The context of the visit (followed by the visit of Paul VI to Bombay in December 1964 and the offer of the Golden Rose to the shrine of Fatima in May 1965) highlights the position adopted by the ecclesiastical hierarchy collaboration with political options of the regime. While the papal visit progressed, the Salazar regime was able to impose a political ownership of the event. The visit of Paul VI was effectively used to reaffirm the ideological foundations of the regime, "legitimize" the colonial war, and confine the political opposition to the dictatorship. The effects caused by the papal visit on the environment of domestic politics reveals the crucial role that the Portuguese Catholic Church had, still in 1967 in legitimize the New State, and consequently their major contribution to the longevity of the dictatorship. ; A visita do Papa Paulo VI a Fátima, em 13 de Maio de 1967, fornece-nos uma perspectiva reveladora da natureza das relações entre a Igreja Católica e o Estado Novo à entrada dos últimos anos do regime. O contexto da visita (antecedida pela visita de Paulo VI a Bombaim em Dezembro de 1964 e pela oferta da Rosa de Ouro ao Santuário de Fátima em Maio de 1965) evidencia a posição de colaboração adoptada pela hierarquia eclesiástica para com as opções políticas do regime. Enquanto a visita papal decorria, o regime salazarista logrou impor uma apropriação política do acontecimento. A visita de Paulo VI foi eficazmente usada para reafirmar as bases ideológicas do regime, "legitimar" a guerra colonial, e acantonar a oposição política à ditadura. Os efeitos causados pela visita papal sobre o ambiente da política interna revelam o papel fundamental que a Igreja Católica Portuguesa tinha, ainda em 1967, na legitimação do Estado Novo, e consequentemente, o seu importante contributo para a longevidade do regime ditatorial.

The visit of Pope Paul VI to Fátima on 13 May 1967 offers revealing insight into the nature of the relations between the Catholic Church and the New State as the regime entered its final years. The background to the visit (i.e. Paul VI's visit to Bombay in December 1964 and the attribution of the Rosa de Ouro to the Fátima sanctuary in May 1965) provides clear evidence of the collaborative stance adopted by the Portuguese ecclesiastical hierarchy at large in relation to the political imperatives of the regime. As the papal visit unfolded, the Salazar regime succeeded in carrying out a highly effective policy of political appropriation of the event. Paul VI's visit was effectively utilised to re-affirm the regime's ideological basis, 'legitimise' the colonial wars, and 'corner' the political opposition to salazarist rule. The effects of the papal visit upon the domestic Portuguese political scene are revealing of the fundamental role of the Portuguese Catholic Church in legitimising the Estado Novo still in 1967, and consequently of the importance of its contribution towards the longevity of the dictatorial regime. ; A visita do Papa Paulo VI a Fátima, em 13 de Maio de 1967, fornece-nos uma perspetiva reveladora da natureza das relações entre a Igreja Católica e o Estado Novo à entrada dos últimos anos do regime. O contexto da visita (antecedida pela visita de Paulo VI a Bombaim em Dezembro de 1964 e pela oferta da Rosa de Ouro ao Santuário de Fátima em Maio de 1965) evidencia a posição de colaboração adotada pela hierarquia eclesiástica para com as opções políticas do regime. Enquanto a visita papal decorria, o regime salazarista logrou impor uma apropriação política do acontecimento. A visita de Paulo VI foi eficazmente usada para reafirmar as bases ideológicas do regime, "legitimar" a guerra colonial, e acantonar a oposição política à ditadura. Os efeitos causados pela visita papal sobre o ambiente da política interna revelam o papel fundamental que a Igreja Católica Portuguesa tinha, ainda em 1967, na legitimação do Estado Novo, e consequentemente, o seu importante contributo para a longevidade do regime ditatorial.

This article examines the relations between Portuguese society and Salazar's political police (PIDE) from the perspective of the everyday lives of ordinary citizens – in contrast to the small minority of oppositionists that has so far monopolized the attention of historians. It is based on a quantitative survey of 400 respondents in four separate locations across Portugal and addresses two main research questions: To what extent did the sample of ordinary citizens experience the PIDE as a disruptive influence on their daily lives? Was the PIDE 'normalized' by them as part of the framework of everyday life? The data analysis calls upon the inputs of the international bibliography of everyday life under dictatorship and critically engages with the existing historiography of the PIDE.

This article examines the relations between Portuguese society and Salazar's political police (PIDE) from the perspective of the everyday lives of ordinary citizens – in contrast to the small minority of oppositionists that has so far monopolized the attention of historians. It is based on a quantitative survey of 400 respondents in four separate locations across Portugal and addresses two main research questions: To what extent did the sample of ordinary citizens experience the PIDE as a disruptive influence on their daily lives? Was the PIDE 'normalized' by them as part of the framework of everyday life? The data analysis calls upon the inputs of the international bibliography of everyday life under dictatorship and critically engages with the existing historiography of the PIDE. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Funding Information: The research for this article has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie agreement No. 842320. Many of the issues discussed in the article were debated in the course of research seminars held at ICS-ULisboa. The authors are thankful to the participants for their stimulating engagement with the subject. We are especially grateful to Alice Ramos for her insightful comments on the organization of the survey and questionnaire. ; This article examines the relations between Portuguese society and Salazar's political police (PIDE) from the perspective of the everyday lives of ordinary citizens – in contrast to the small minority of oppositionists that has so far monopolized the attention of historians. It is based on a quantitative survey of 400 respondents in four separate locations across Portugal and addresses two main research questions: To what extent did the sample of ordinary citizens experience the PIDE as a disruptive influence on their daily lives? Was the PIDE 'normalized' by them as part of the framework of everyday life? The data analysis calls upon the inputs of the international bibliography of everyday life under dictatorship and critically engages with the existing historiography of the PIDE. ; publishersversion ; published