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Deconstructs the story of liberalism that John Rawls and others have put forward. Argues that political liberalism is despotic because it denies to politics a concern with the comprehensive human good. Political illiberalism overcomes this despotism and restores genuine freedom. Simpson provides detailed accounts of these political phenomena and presents a political theory opposed to that of Rawls and other porponents of modern liberalism. Simpson presents the fundamentals of the idea of a truer liberalism as derived from human nature, with particular attention to the role and power of religion, using the political thought of Aristotle, the founding fathers of the United States, thinkers of the Roman Empire and contemprary practice.

In this volume, Peter Simpson presents a complete philosophical commentary on the Politics, an analysis of the logical structure of the entire text and each of its constitutive arguments and conclusions.

The stations of the cross were a recurrent motif in Colin McCahon's art. This article focuses on the one station that he singled out for particular emphasis: Station 6, Veronica wipes the face of Jesus. The paper argues that for McCahon the stations were a kind of matrix, grid or armature, a structure within which he could explore various religious and aesthetic ideas. The appeal of Veronica derives from the possibilities inherent in the image of Christ's face on her veil or handkerchief as a symbol both of religious truth and aesthetic exploration; in McCahon's work she becomes a kind of patron saint of painters.

Ernest Barker wrote two books on the political thought of Plato, both of which were also directly related to his study of the political thought of Aristotle. This essay examines the way Barker's readings of Plato changed, first from the earlier to the later of his two books, and then from the later of these books, written during WWI, to his translation of Aristotle's Politics, written during WWII. The contention is that, as Barker himself partly confessed, WWI led him to read hopes into Plato's works that he not had before and that he abandoned in WWII. This shift in reading Plato was essentially a shift in Barker's allegiance to political Hegelianism (of the sort he imbibed from T.H. Green), which, while it intensified during WWI, had given way entirely to a thoroughly English Whig Constitutionalism by the end of WWII. The abandonment of Hegel enabled Barker to reach not only a better understanding of Plato in his Aristotle book but also a better and more wry understanding of German philosophy.

This article is an attempt to break down Aristotle's arguments in favour of slavery into what I take to be their constituent premises and conclusions, to set these out schematically in syllogistic form, and to display both how each of the arguments works on its own and how all of them fit together to form one overarching argument. The purpose of this exercise is to make as evident as possible the structure, coherence, and validity of Aristotle's reasoning. This is something that is lacking in scholarly treatments of Aristotle on slavery, few of which make a serious attempt to engage with the details of Aristotle's text.My conclusion is that Aristotle's argument is not only valid but, on the assumption of his virtue theory, sound as well.

Résumé Aristote accuse Platon dans les Lois d'établir une oligarchie du petit nombre de riches, bien qu'il prétende établir un mélange de démocratie et de monarchie. Le régime établi est en effet une oligarchie quoique cachée, dans le but de tromper la populace. Ces dispositions constitutionnelles cachent une tromperie supplémentaire, car elles servent elles-mêmes de masque à la philosoph-archie. En fait, finalement, les Lois arrivent, comme Aristote le disait, à être exactement semblables à la République .