Suchergebnisse

Comment on Berardino Palumbo, Lo strabismo della DEA: Antropologia, accademia e società in Italia, Palermo, Edizioni Museo Pasqualino, 2018, pp. 289.

La Carta dei prodotti alimentarii delle Provincie Continentali del Regno delle Due Sicilie di Benedetto Marzolla (1856) è un'importante risorsa per il governo del territorio nel Mezzogiorno d'Italia preunitario. Sulla base delle informazioni del Ministero dell'Annona disponibili a metà del XIX secolo, mostra le produzioni tipiche del Regno con un'efficace sintesi iconografica. In ottica geografico-storica offre spunti ulteriori per una ricostruzione del contesto territoriale di riferimento in prospettiva diacronica. Ne emerge infatti una geografia delle produzioni ancora attuale, sebbene i paesaggi di riferimento siano stati oggetto di trasformazioni non sempre apprezzabili. Allo stesso tempo la carta può diventare uno strumento di "marketing territoriale", valorizzando, per certi versi, alcuni prodotti locali d'eccellenza (come DOP e IGP). Un particolare importante soprattutto per la Campania, il cui territorio, tradizionalmente legato allo sviluppo di agricoltura, allevamento e pesca, necessita con urgenza di interventi strutturali per il recupero e la valorizzazione delle sue risorse. ; The "alimentary" map of Benedetto Marzolla (1856) is an important resource for the territory's government in the South Italy before the unification. Starting by the statistical information of the Ministry of the Annona at mid-nineteenth century, it presents the typical produc¬tions of the Kingdom through an effective iconographic synthesis. From a geographical-historical perspective, it offers further hints for a reconstruction of its territorial context, in diachronic perspective. In fact, it reveals a geography of the productions still existing, although the reference landscapes have been the object of transformations that are not always appreciable. At the same time, the map can be a "ter¬ritorial marketing" tool, promoting, in several respects, some excellent local products (such as DOP and IGP). An important detail, especially in Campania, whose territory, traditionally linked to the development of agriculture, breeding and fishing, needs structural interventions for the recovery and enhancement of its resources.

How does the construction of fieldwork change when we expand beyond the "village" (in the sense of Malinowski), to investigate and assemble different scales of analysis? In this paper, I explore the role of fieldwork as built and delimited by specific, historically and theoretically situated research practices, making use of evolutions in the framework of my approach to "economic spaces" during my early fieldwork in the south of Italy. I look back at the intellectual environment of anthropology in Rome during the 1980s, paying attention to the kind of fieldwork that we conducted within one of the traditions of Italian anthropological studies. I then examine the "expansion" of fieldwork from my own experience during the study of the economic aspects of social phenomena.

Le coste italiane sono oggetto di trasformazioni invasive. La Campania, in particolare, vive un processo di degrado ecologico integrale. I casi più eclatanti non riguardano solo la fascia nord-occidentale della provincia di Napoli ma anche alcune aree del Salernitano che, pur essendo ricche di risorse naturali e geostoriche, sono divenute nel tempo oggetto di cementificazioni incontrollate e speculazioni edilizie. È il caso del Cilento, le cui coste, trasformate a scopo turistico, sono mutate nei caratteri visivi e ambientali. La comparazione diacronica tra fonti iconografiche e cartografiche lo rende evidente e tanto più eclatante, considerando l'esistenza del Parco Nazionale del Cilento, Vallo di Diano e Alburni e la presenza di scavi archeologici come quelli dell'antica Elea (oggi Ascea). Il contributo intende mettere in luce i presupposti e gli effetti di queste trasformazioni, considerando la normativa vigente e le sue criticità. ; talian coasts have undergone invasive transformations. Campania, in particular, has a condition of integral ecological degradation. The most striking cases are not limited to the north-western belt of the Naples province, but also to some areas of the Salerno province which, despite the natural and geo-historical resources, over time have become the object of an uncontrolled building speculation. It is the case of Cilento, whose coasts, transformed for tourism purposes, have changed from a landscape and natural point of view. This circumstance appears evident from a diachronic comparison between iconographic and cartographic sources and it is even more surprising, because of the existence of the National Park of Cilento, Vallo di Diano and Alburni and of the archaeological ruins, such as those of ancient Elea (now Ascea). Therefore, this paper tries to highlight the presuppositions and the effects of these transformations, considering the principle purposes of the current legislation and its critical issues.

Il concetto di smart city è intrinsecamente reticolare e sistemico, finalizzato allo sviluppo sostenibile e al miglioramento della qualità della vita. L'idea di rete rimanda a un universo urbano fondato su princìpi di uguaglianza e di governance. Una prospettiva che in chiave "virtuale" replica e rafforza il nesso tra geometria e democrazia: all'"isonomia" garantita dal modello reticolare ippodameo fanno eco le reti virtuali della città contemporanea. La cartografia, a sua volta, divenuta con le ICT "democratica" e "partecipativa", ha messo in atto tali istanze, dando possibilità a più utenti di interagire con mappe digitali. Ne rappresenta un esempio OpenStreetMap, un progetto collaborativo finalizzato a creare mappe a contenuto libero, attraverso la cooperazione di utenti di tutto il mondo. Vagliando le implicazioni teoriche del concetto di smart city, questo progetto è un interessante spunto di riflessione sulle possibilità offerte dagli opendata per le politiche di governo territoriale in ottica "smart". La presente ricerca punta quindi a esaminare da un punto di vista geografico i presupposti teorici e l'affidabilità scientifica delle applicazioni cartografiche "aperte", in riferimento ad alcuni casi di studio e in comparazione con alcune rappresentazioni cartografiche tradizionali del territorio. ; The concept of smart city is in itself reticular and systemic, finalized to sustainable development and to improving the quality of life. The network idea refers to an urban world based on principles of equality and governance. It is a perspective that, in a virtual way, replicates and strengthens the link between geometry and democracy: to "isonomy" of the Hippodamian urban model correspond the virtual networks of the contemporary city. The cartography, in turn, became "democratic" and "participatory" through ICT, has implemented these instances, giving opportunities to many users to interact with digital maps. An example is OpenStreetMap, a collaborative project to create free content maps, through the cooperation of users around the world. Considering the theoretical implications of the concept of smart city, this project is an interesting spark for thought on the possibilities offered by OpenData for territorial government policies in "smart" optic. The goal of this research, therefore, is an analisys, from a geographical point of view, of the theoretical assumptions and of the scientific reliability of the cartographic application "open", in reference to some case studies and in comparison with some traditional cartographic representations of the territory.

Il solco Irno-Solofrana, con le sue gravitazioni verso il Salernitano, l'agro nolano-napoletano e l'area irpino-sannitica fino alla Puglia, ha conosciuto negli ultimi anni profondi mutamenti geografici, causati da uno sviluppo economico e sociale che, pur migliorando le condizioni di vita delle popolazioni locali, ne ha modificato e impoverito i contesti paesaggistico-culturali, spesso a danno del territorio nella sua globalità. Il progressivo abbandono delle forme di economia tradizionale, legate a un genere di vita fondato su attività agricoloallevative, artigianali e manifatturiere, non ha però cancellato i segni della loro secolare importanza, custoditi dalla cartografia storica che, dagli aragonesi in poi, ne rivela la presenza nei principali centri della zona in oggetto, in un confronto non sempre sereno con i poteri locali (laici ed ecclesiastici). Alla ricostruzione del quadro territoriale del passato contribuiscono anche i toponimi, fornendo alcuni esempi spesso indicativi della personalità geografica dei territori denotati. Una riflessione su quanto emerge dalla comparazione tra carte storiche e odierne (topografiche e satellitari) della subregione in oggetto può dunque contribuire a rendere più evidenti i processi di trasformazione che l'hanno riguardata, aiutando a chiarirne l'originaria identità territoriale e l'evoluzione nel tempo, rimarcando i punti di forza e di debolezza del suo attuale sviluppo e, al contempo, il valore e l'importanza delle sue antiche vocazioni, per una politica di integrazione economica equilibrata e sostenibile di tutte le sue potenzialità. ; The Irno-Solofrana valley, in recent years, with its gravitational attractions to Salerno, Nola, Naples and the areas of Irpinia and Sannio, up to the Puglia, has had real geographic changes, caused by an economic and social development which, while improving the life conditions of local people, has also changed and depleted their natural and cultural contexts, often ruining the landscape. The progressive abandonment of traditional forms of economy, linked to a lifestyle based on agricultural, allevative, crafts and manufacturing activities, did not erased the marks of their secular importance, preserved by the historical maps that, from the Kings of Aragon onwards, reveal their presence in the main cities of the valley, in a comparison, not always calm, with the local authorities (secular and religious). Also the place names contribute to the reconstruction of the past territorial framework, providing some examples often indicative of geographic personality of the denoted territories. A reflection about results of the comparison between historical and contemporary cartography (topographic and satellite) regarding this subregion, therefore, can help to point out its transformation processes, contributing to explain its original territorial identity and its evolution over time, noting the strengths and weaknesses of its current development and, in the same time, the value and importance of its ancient vocations, for a policy of balanced and sustainable economic integration of all its possibilities of development in the future.

International audience ; Food-related mobilizations and protests include a wide range of practices, from collective acts by producers or consumers to organized social and political movements, from efforts taking place in small local areas to those involving national or international scales of action. Starting from a large and inclusive definition of « food activism », this paper aims to discuss on forms, ideas and practices of food activism that we can observe in Europe. What are the boundaries of food activism and how can we study it? What kinds of economy do « food activists » imagine or practice? What positions do activists defend and what political strategies do they employ inside Europe? Using two case studies - the international Slow Food movement and vegetable baskets systems like AMAP - I will put forward some hypotheses about the paradigms and practices of such activism. Discussing food activism allows us to understand not only the changes that occur over time in the forms of mobilization and their aims, but also links and connections between different food activisms. And it allows us to reflect also about our paradigms and our practices of research. ; Qu'elles soient locales, nationales ou internationales, les mobilisations et les contestations liées à l'alimentation regroupent un large éventail de pratiques allant des actions collectives de producteurs ou de consommateurs aux mouvements sociaux et politiques structurés. À partir d'une définition large et inclusive de la notion de, ce texte explore diverses formes, conceptions et pratiques du food activism observables en Europe. Comment pouvons-nous analyser le food activism et quelles sont ses limites ? Quels types d'économie imaginent ou pratiquent les food activists ? Quels types de positions défendent-ils et quelles stratégies mettent-ils à l'œuvre en Europe ? À partir de deux cas d'étude – le mouvement international Slow Food et les systèmes de paniers de légumes de type AMAP –, il s'agira d'avancer quelques hypothèses concernant les paradigmes et les pratiques de ces activismes. Interroger le food activism nous permet de comprendre non seulement les changements qui affectent dans le temps ces formes de mobilisation et leurs objectifs, mais aussi les liens et connexions entre différents types d'activismes liés à la sphère de l'alimentation. Cela nous conduit parallèlement à interroger nos propres paradigmes et nos propres pratiques de recherche.

International audience ; Food-related mobilizations and protests include a wide range of practices, from collective acts by producers or consumers to organized social and political movements, from efforts taking place in small local areas to those involving national or international scales of action. Starting from a large and inclusive definition of « food activism », this paper aims to discuss on forms, ideas and practices of food activism that we can observe in Europe. What are the boundaries of food activism and how can we study it? What kinds of economy do « food activists » imagine or practice? What positions do activists defend and what political strategies do they employ inside Europe? Using two case studies - the international Slow Food movement and vegetable baskets systems like AMAP - I will put forward some hypotheses about the paradigms and practices of such activism. Discussing food activism allows us to understand not only the changes that occur over time in the forms of mobilization and their aims, but also links and connections between different food activisms. And it allows us to reflect also about our paradigms and our practices of research. ; Qu'elles soient locales, nationales ou internationales, les mobilisations et les contestations liées à l'alimentation regroupent un large éventail de pratiques allant des actions collectives de producteurs ou de consommateurs aux mouvements sociaux et politiques structurés. À partir d'une définition large et inclusive de la notion de, ce texte explore diverses formes, conceptions et pratiques du food activism observables en Europe. Comment pouvons-nous analyser le food activism et quelles sont ses limites ? Quels types d'économie imaginent ou pratiquent les food activists ? Quels types de positions défendent-ils et quelles stratégies mettent-ils à l'œuvre en Europe ? À partir de deux cas d'étude – le mouvement international Slow Food et les systèmes de paniers de légumes de type AMAP –, il s'agira d'avancer quelques hypothèses concernant les paradigmes et les pratiques de ces activismes. Interroger le food activism nous permet de comprendre non seulement les changements qui affectent dans le temps ces formes de mobilisation et leurs objectifs, mais aussi les liens et connexions entre différents types d'activismes liés à la sphère de l'alimentation. Cela nous conduit parallèlement à interroger nos propres paradigmes et nos propres pratiques de recherche.