Suchergebnisse

An institutional approach to the politics of western Muslim minorities / Abdulkader H. Sinno -- Western Muslims and established state-religion relations. Claiming space in America's pluralism : Muslims enter the political maelstrom / Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Robert Stephen Ricks; The practice of their faith : Muslims and the state in Britain, France, and Germany / J. Christopher Soper and Joel S. Fetzer ; Religion, Muslims, and the state in Britain and France : from Westphalia to 9/11 / Jorgen S. Nielsen -- Western Muslims and political institutions. Muslim underrepresentation in American politics / Abdulkader H. Sinno ; Muslims representing Muslims in Europe : parties and associations after 9/11 / Jytte Klausen ; Muslims in UK institutions : effective representation or tokenism? / Abdulkader H. Sinno and Eren Tatari -- Institutional underpinnings of perceptions of Western Muslims. How Europe and its Muslim populations see each other / Jodie T. Allen and Richard Wike ; Public opinion toward Muslim Americans : civil liberties and the role of religiosity, ideology, and media use / Erik C. Nisbet, Ronald Ostman, and James Shanahan ; The racialization of Muslim Americans / Amaney Jamal -- Western Muslims, civil rights, and legal institutions. Canadian national security policy and Canadian Muslim communities / Kent Roach ; Counterterrorism and the civil rights of Muslim minorities in the European Union / Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen ; The preventive paradigm and the rule of law : how not to fight terrorism / David Cole ; Recommendations for western policy makers and Muslim organizations / Abdulkader H. Sinno

AbstractThe organizational structures of armed groups, whether they develop by accident or by design, affect their strategic choices during the conflict and their ability to enter peace agreements. This article explains how frequently encountered structures such as centralized, decentralized, networked, and patronage-based ones affect strategic choices for the organization and its opponents. Only centralized organizations can make use of sophisticated strategies such as 'divide and conquer', 'co-option', and 'hearts and minds', and can engage in successful peace agreements. Centralized armed organizations that do not have a safe haven within the contested territory tend to be very vulnerable, however, which makes peace less attractive to their opponents and explains in part why long-lasting peace agreements between such groups and their opponents are rare.

AbstractAmerican Muslim representation in elected office has lagged behind that of other groups of comparable size. Muslims now make up 2% of the total United States population and enjoy much larger concentrations in some urban areas. American Muslims are also disproportionately educated and enjoy a higher average socio-economic status than members of groups with similar numbers that have made strides in terms of political representation in our democracy. Yet Muslims have not made similar advances in the political arena. There are a number of reasons that might account for this situation. Here, we look at one possible explanation that is especially intriguing — and perhaps a bit troubling: the idea that voters make different causal attributions for the behavior of Muslim candidates for office. We employ an experimental design to examine the attributions participants use to "explain" the behavior of hypothetical Muslim and non-Muslim candidates. We conduct two experiments involving distinct political offices: State Attorney General and United States Senator. We find that respondents generally do not attribute behavior differently in the case of Muslim and Christian candidates, except in the case of lax prosecution of a terrorism case. Politically sophisticated respondents assume that a Muslim prosecutor who does not have a large Muslim constituency is sympathetic to Muslim terrorists, but not one with a larger Muslim voting base. Non-sophisticates attribute his behavior to such motivations regardless of the concentration of Muslims in his district.

The authors examine the effect of educational attainment and income on support for suicide bombing among Muslim publics in six predominantly Muslim countries that have experienced suicide bombings: Indonesia, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Pakistan, and Turkey. The authors make two contributions. First, they present a conceptual model, which has been lacking in the literature. Second, they consider attitudes toward two different targets of suicide bombings: civilians within the respondent's country and Western military and political personnel in Iraq. The authors find that the effect of educational attainment and income on support for suicide bombings varies across countries and targets. The findings therefore draw attention to the difficulties of making generalizations about Muslim countries and the importance of distinguishing between targets of suicide bombings. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

The authors examine the effect of educational attainment and income on support for suicide bombing among Muslim publics in six predominantly Muslim countries that have experienced suicide bombings: Indonesia, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Pakistan, and Turkey. The authors make two contributions. First, they present a conceptual model, which has been lacking in the literature. Second, they consider attitudes toward two different targets of suicide bombings: civilians within the respondent's country and Western military and political personnel in Iraq. The authors find that the effect of educational attainment and income on support for suicide bombings varies across countries and targets.The findings therefore draw attention to the difficulties of making generalizations about Muslim countries and the importance of distinguishing between targets of suicide bombings.