The sources of secessionist war: the interaction of local control and foreign forces in post-Soviet Georgia
In: Caucasus survey: journal of the International Association for the Study of the Caucasus, Band 4, Heft 1, S. 63-91
ISSN: 2376-1202
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In: Caucasus survey: journal of the International Association for the Study of the Caucasus, Band 4, Heft 1, S. 63-91
ISSN: 2376-1202
World Affairs Online
In: Defence and peace economics, Band 23, Heft 4, S. 321-330
ISSN: 1476-8267
In: International studies review, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 349-351
ISSN: 1468-2486
In: Defence and peace economics, Band 23, Heft 4, S. 321-331
ISSN: 1024-2694
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 73, Heft 4, S. 1294-1295
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 73, Heft 4, S. 1294-1295
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 125, Heft 1, S. 147-148
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 125, Heft 1, S. 147-149
ISSN: 0032-3195
SSRN
Working paper
In: Caucasus survey: journal of the International Association for the Study of the Caucasus, Band 11, Heft 2-3, S. 163-189
ISSN: 2376-1202
Abstract
This article analyzes North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) – Russia dynamics in Eastern Europe, focusing on the competition for influence in Georgia and Montenegro with comparisons to Moldova and Ukraine. Whereas all four countries have expressed a desire to join NATO – and Russia has consistently communicated its disapproval – Moscow has pursued divergent means to curb NATO expansion and escalated with tit-for-tat strategies. We argue that whether Russia deployed military strategies, economic levers, political tactics or covert actions has varied according to its relative power projection capacity along with the responses of NATO and the target countries. Where power projection capacity is greater due to its contiguous geography (Georgia, Ukraine), Russia staged military interventions, and where it was weaker, in non-contiguous countries (Montenegro, Moldova), it resorted to non-military means. Russia may be uniformly opposed to NATO expansion, but its strategies to keep its neighbours out of NATO and in Russia's orbit are contingent upon its relative power.
In: Caucasus survey: journal of the International Association for the Study of the Caucasus
ISSN: 2376-1202
World Affairs Online
In: Politics and governance, Band 8, Heft 4, S. 580-589
ISSN: 2183-2463
Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic populism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and balances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country's representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the 'can do experts.' The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political Science, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 548-566
ISSN: 1741-1416
Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic populism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and balances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country's representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the 'can do experts.' The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm.
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In: Caucasus survey: journal of the International Association for the Study of the Caucasus, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 252-267
ISSN: 2376-1202
World Affairs Online