Suchergebnisse

THIS ESSAY DISCUSSES EFFECTS OF GROWING, INTERDEPENDENCE AND INTERNATIONALIZATION UPON NATIONAL POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. MORE EXACTLY IT ADDRESSES THE QUESTION OF HOW THESE PROCESSES ARE REFLECTED IN MATTERS HANDLED BY THE STANDING COMMITTEES OF THE SWEDISH PARLIAMENT. GENERALLY SPEAKING, THE PROPORTION OF INTERNATIONAL ISSUES HAS INCREASED CONTINUOUSLY DURING THE 1970S AND THE EARLY 1980S. THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF PARLIAMENTARY WORK HAS MAINLY TAKEN PLACE OUTSIDE THE AREA OF 'TRADITIONAL' FOREIGN POLICY. EVEN THOUGH INTERNATIONALIZATION IS A GENERAL PHENOMENON IN THE SWEDISH PARLIAMENT, THE ENHANCEMENT OF INTERNATIONAL ISSUES IS PARTICULARLY EVIDENT IN SUBJECT AREAS LINKED TO ECONOMIC LIFE IN GENERAL, BUT ISSUES CONCERNING ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY, COMMUNICATIONS, AND ENERGY POLICY ALSO BEAR THE STAMP OF INTERNATIONALIZATION. IN SPITE OF THIS INTERNATIONALIZATION OF DOMESTIC POLITICS THE PATTERN OF RELATIONS WITH ACTORS ON THE INTERNATIONAL SCENE SEEMS TO BE RATHER STABLE. THE PICTURE IS DOMINATED BY INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE SCANDINAVIAN REGION AND WESTERN EUROPE. TRADITIONALLY, THE PRINCIPLE OF CONSENSUS HAS GOVERNED SWEDISH SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY. HOWEVER, INTERNATIONAL ISSUES OUTSIDE THE AREA OF 'TRADITIONAL' FOREIGN POLICY DO NOT BEAR THE HALLMARK OF CONSENSUS. THE LEVEL OF CONFLICT IS CONSIDERABLY HIGHER AND HAS RISEN, ESPECIALLY DURING THE 1980S. GENERALLY SPEAKING, PATTERNS OF CONFLICT IN INTERNATIONAL ISSUES DO NOT DEVIATE FROM THOSE IN 'PURE' DOMESTPY: 1988

Recent advances in game theory and experimental social science provide insights for the study of corruption and abuse of power in local politics. We survey the evidence from theoretical and experimental research and illustrate findings and problems with two examples from a survey among local politicians and officials in Sweden. The most simplified theoretical models, such as the prisoner's dilemma, fail to capture the distinction between group loyal behavior at different levels. There are several grey zones between pro-social behavior and corruption. These grey zones can be considered corruption danger zones. While Sweden is typically seen as a non-corrupt society, there are several situations where local politicians and officials must make choices in these corruption danger zones. Both formal institutions and informal norms influence these choices, and the views among politicians can vary substantially regarding what behavior is considered acceptable. Communication, openness and public debate can help the fight against corruption. Adapted from the source document.

Confidence and corruption in Swedish municipalities Corruption in public institutions can seriously undermine trust and cooperation. Corruption prevention requires an understanding of the mechanisms which cause individuals to engage in corrupt behavior. Against this background there is a need to determine which types of institutions can stop confidence and cooperation from degenerating into distrust and corruption. Traditionally Sweden and its institutions have been seen as relatively free of corruption. In recent years, increasing media coverage and expert reports suggest that corruption in Sweden is increasing, but how accurate is this perception? Greater empirical knowledge is needed concerning the scope and nature of corruption as well as the extent, if at all, it is increasing. Many corruption studies have focused on countries in transition from a non-democratic to a democratic form of government. Literature has therefore focused on how trust and cooperation can arise out of situations characterized by the opposite. However, a useful corruption theory ought to be able to account for how corrupt behavior can vary over time. It has been pointed out that researchers lack a commonly accepted theory that would explain both how trust and cooperation arise and how they break down. The article's authors describe how, in their upcoming project, they propose to address this question. Adapted from the source document.