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The development of political parties in Nigeria during the terminal phase of British colonial rule. Originally published in 1963. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

On 11 November 1965, the Government of Rhodesia, firm in its resolve to maintain minority racial rule by persons of European descent, abrogated the colonial constitution then in effect and declared its independence of Great Britain. The works under review in this essay examine the dilemmas of Zambian leaders, on the one hand, and loyalist members of the Rhodesian judiciary as well as the loyalist governor of Rhodesia, on the other.

In the latter 1940s, a growing number of American intellectuals, including scholars in various academic disciplines, were attracted to the study of Africa by two powerful incentives. First, African nationalism created a new horizon for the advancement of democracy, the twentieth century's preeminent political ideal. Second, many intellectuals were anxious to reconstruct the prevailing theories of society so that they would fairly represent the aspirations and problems of people everywhere on earth. From this perspective, due regard for the contributions of Africa was deemed to be a scientific, as well as a moral, imperative. These goals, democracy and universalism, were embraced and combined by the theorists of modernization.

Tanzania's & South Africa's experiences with socialist thought & practice are drawn on in a discussion of the future of socialism in Africa. The African National Congress's relationship with socialism is explored, & a brief survey of political groups active in socialist causes in South Africa is offered. It is argued that African socialist regimes failed to solve the problem of insufficient personal incentives to produce surplus wealth for public purposes, & that the future of socialism in Africa is unrelated to the imperatives of economic development. It is concluded that socialism can regain its lost credibility in Africa by rebuilding its intellectual foundations in accord with principles of social justice & by supporting working class struggles & unions. In Bogdan Denitch Comments, Denitch takes objection to the facile use of the term socialism, arguing that African "socialist" regimes are more accurately characterized as "popular politocracies." In Richard Sklar Replies, Sklar defends his use of the term socialism, challenges Denitch's argument that socialism has no future in Africa, & agrees with his interlocutor that the origins of modern socialism are most clearly visible in the histories of democratic movements. W. Howard

Ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism is more than 150 years old in the industrial countries of Europe and North America. Its gradual extension to other parts of the world during the twentieth century has entailed a basic alteration of the terms of debate. Within the leading industrial countries, partisans have debated both the economic merits of privately-owned productive capital, and the justice of profit-taking as a right of such ownership. In socialist thought, 'social justice' has meant that the whole product of labour belongs to those who actually produce it; hence its value should be realised by the producers themselves, either individually, or collectively through public institutions. On that basis, socialists have promised to construct an efficient, humane, and just social order. With equal conviction, proponents of capitalism hold that no alternative economic system produces as large a volume of goods, jobs, and other material benefits for as high a percentage of the population; that social inequality is inevitable, regardless of the property system in effect or the organisation of economic production; and that justice, in any case, is always individual, never 'social'.

Political science has become a dismal science for most of the world. In the proverbial third world, where most people live, the "physical quality of life" is often abysmal and liable to further deterioration. Steeped in "realism," political science foretells a future of dictatorial rule for most of those who face the prospect of increasing physical misery.

Trotz des verbalen Bekenntnisses der dominierenden Partei 'Zimbabwe African National Union' zum Marxismus-Leninismus zeichnet sich die Rechtsprechung durch eine Unabhängigkeit von politischen Eingriffen aus. Der Autor hält eine Versöhnung von Prinzipien individueller Freiheiten mit der herrschenden Parteiideologie für möglich. (DÜI-Spe)

In this day and age, Marxism-Leninism is the leading and least parochial theory of social revolution in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. It strongly appeals to intellectuals who believe that capitalist imperialism in "neocolonial" forms perpetuates social injustice on a world scale; and that a "conscious minority' ' or vanguard of the downtrodden should establish a "developmental dictatorship" dedicated to the pursuit of economic and social progress. Since the death of Mao Zedong and the subsequent repudiation of his economic theories in China, collectivism as an economic strategy has been reassessed and found wanting in other countries whose leaders are disposed to learn from China. For example, in the People's Republic of the Congo, where collectivist methods, inspired by Marxism-Leninism have been discarded in favor of entrepreneurial methods, the minister of agriculture has said simply, "Marxism without revenue is Marxism without a future."

Following the collapse of many civilian and constitutional governments in postcolonial Africa, most political analysts and commentators drew a dismal conclusion. They decided that democratic representation based upon freedom of speech and association would be abandoned in Africa and they proclaimed the onset of an era of authoritarian rule. Some analysts, in the tradition of colonialist thought, asserted that cultural and social conditions in Africa are simply unsuited to the practice of liberal democracy.

Inthe newly developing countries, major aspects of economic organisation are subject to foreign control. The citizens and governments of such countries learn to live with the effects of pervasive economic dependence upon the industrial powers. Foreign governments and businessmen often determine the rate and scope of local capital investment, the development and use of economic resources, the composition and direction of external trade.