Language is one of the most important features distinguishing a nation. Its role and position in the public sphere determines the level of autonomy of every stateless nation. After the death of Francisco Franco in 1975, Spain experience a revival of such nations as Catalans, Basques and Galicians. This revival has resulted in the natives' demandsfor their languages to be recognized as official ones and be granted this particular status. This article describes the latest efforts and problems in this domain, the linguistic situation of the particular regions, as well as the legal status of each. The main aim of this article is to characterize these phenomena and to reveal in what way these demands have affected the structure of the Spanish state.
The competition between Civic Platform (PO) and Law and Justice (PiS) in recent 5 years has led to the reflection about the territorial aspect of these divisions. Particulary interesting is the distribution of votes. A few tendentions like presence of historical divisions can be observed. The aim of this paper is to analyse these divisions and the main factors of their occurance.
This paper focuses on the legendary song entitled Prayer for Marta and its performer. It is a history of two revolutions and a famous singer's difficult life. Both were the symbols of changes in Czechoslovakia. Both were absent in a public life as the song was banned and Marta Kubišová couldn't perform. Nowadays, both are the icons of modern Czech history. This article describes how this song was created and sang twice. It also explains who was its author. What is more, Marta 's life and her view on contemporary politics are presented.
The paper analyzes the attitude of nationalist parties in four Central European states (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) to European integration. After 2004, some of them, e.g. the League of Polish Families (LPR), the Slovak National Party (SNS), and Jobbik in Hungary, gained parliamentary representation, or even entered governments thus obtaining some (albeit limited) influence on foreign policy. Their attitudes frequently expressed social fears and anxieties related to the accession to the EU. The integration process as such was assessed in different ways: from the demands to leave the Union and warnings that the states will lose their independence, to the approval of the Europe of nations concept, and the endorsement of EU membership. Their attitudes, contained in the political platforms of the parties, also reflected traditional antagonisms and the fear of neighbors and their policies (this mainly concerned the fear of all sorts of German and Hungarian revisionist claims), as well as ther views on the influence of other subjects on the state's sovereignty and condition (including the frequent argument of excessive exploitation and threats to national possessions). ; The paper analyzes the attitude of nationalist parties in four Central European states (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) to European integration. After 2004, some of them, e.g. the League of Polish Families (LPR), the Slovak National Party (SNS), and Jobbik in Hungary, gained parliamentary representation, or even entered governments thus obtaining some (albeit limited) influence on foreign policy. Their attitudes frequently expressed social fears and anxieties related to the accession to the EU. The integration process as such was assessed in different ways: from the demands to leave the Union and warnings that the states will lose their independence, to the approval of the Europe of nations concept, and the endorsement of EU membership. Their attitudes, contained in the political platforms of the parties, also reflected traditional antagonisms and the fear of neighbors and their policies (this mainly concerned the fear of all sorts of German and Hungarian revisionist claims), as well as ther views on the influence of other subjects on the state's sovereignty and condition (including the frequent argument of excessive exploitation and threats to national possessions).
