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The discourse of openness has proved to be a very powerful instrument for promoting new research policies and the (neoliberal) reforms of higher education in all so-called advanced economies. it has triggered positive democracy-, transparency-, and accountability-related associations when used in the context of politics, fair resource distribution when used in the sphere of public service, and free access to information and knowledge when used in the field of science and higher education. At the same time, international research shows that university autonomy is increasingly being attacked, reduced, and marginalized by the same policies. Power instances outside academia impose new criteria, such as accountability, performance, quality assurance, and good practice. They also impose ideas about what good research is, which scientific method is to be prioritized, and what good data are. The process of the de-professionalization, polarization, and proletarianization of the academic profession is increasingly affecting academia. However, none of this has much in common with the open-access discourse. The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how this discussion applies to Sweden. Courses, forces, and discourses of the national research infrastructure development policy in general, and qualitative data preservation policy in particular, are described and deliberated. ; Funding Agencies|Riksbankens Jubileumsfond; Swedish foundation for humanities and social sciences [F16-1154:1]

This article represents the analysis of the life history of one of the refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina who came to Sweden with Croatian passports and, as such, initially received a negative decision to her request for asylum from the Swedish Government, then a temporary residence permission for a period of six months and eventually a final negative decision. The analysis covers three geographically and temporally separate phases of this refugee odyssey: life during the war and flight, then refugee life in Croatia, and finally refuge in Sweden. The main aims of this article are twofold. Firstly, it aims to show the way refugees themselves look at their refugee life and the role of the various macro-, mezzo- and micro-actors, who in every way influence their life. It also refers to the various strategies developed by refugees to cope with the situation in which all their expectations are crushed to pieces by the pragmatic political interests of the countries in which they seek asylum. Secondly, it tries to demonstrate all the possible strategies which the governments of Western Europe try to develop in 'solving the refugee problems' in situations where the gulf between their humanitarian rhetoric and real pragmatic politics becomes uncomfortably deep.

This article invesitgates the processes of ethnic segmentation, precarious labour, and informalization in the Swedish taxi industry during a period of rapid deregulation during the 1990s. It does so by focussing on the life story of a single individual―Adem, a taxi driver in the Swedish city of Malmö. Despite his education, long working experience, and all efforts to make use of these advantages, all doors to an appropriate career in Sweden have remained closed to him. As a result, he has been pushed into working in the taxi sector, which is increasingly characterized by ethnic segmentation, hard working conditins, and harsh competition, forcing people to deploy informal economic strategies in order to survive. Adem's fate becomes strongly determined by these socio-economical processes. At the same time, the article shows that these processes are not separate, but are closely interrelated and reinforce each other. On the broader level these processes are a general consequence of the neoliberal reconstruction of Western economies, and structural economic, political and social changes related to it.

This article invesitgates the processes of ethnic segmentation, precarious labour, and informalization in the Swedish taxi industry during a period of rapid deregulation during the 1990s. It does so by focussing on the life story of a single individual―Adem, a taxi driver in the Swedish city of Malmö. Despite his education, long working experience, and all efforts to make use of these advantages, all doors to an appropriate career in Sweden have remained closed to him. As a result, he has been pushed into working in the taxi sector, which is increasingly characterized by ethnic segmentation, hard working conditins, and harsh competition, forcing people to deploy informal economic strategies in order to survive. Adem's fate becomes strongly determined by these socio-economical processes. At the same time, the article shows that these processes are not separate, but are closely interrelated and reinforce each other. On the broader level these processes are a general consequence of the neoliberal reconstruction of Western economies, and structural economic, political and social changes related to it. ; STRAS

Abstract
During the past three decades, the traditional model of the welfare state in advanced economies has been replaced successively by the neo-liberal economic and political model. As a result, global labour markets today are extensively characterized by precariousness, instability, insecurity, vulnerability, risk and, of course, increased exploitation. However, these processes have not affected all segments of the population or all sectors of the economy equally severely. Some groups and individuals, and certain sectors, have been affected worse and earlier than others. This article attempts to demonstrate this through a case study of labour conditions in the London hotel industry in the mid-1980s. Using the author's personal experience as an empirical point of departure, the article demonstrates how the precarious nature of the work, ethnic segmentation and informal economic arrangements that dominated the London hotel industry at that time were early signs of what were going to become the key characteristics of most economic sectors not only in London and the United Kingdom, but – today – globally.

The article considers current policy trends and academic controversies related to qualitative data preservation and re-use. In the first part of the article, the epistemological/methodological, ethical/legal, ideological/political, and practical/technical aspects of the ongoing British debate about data archiving and re-use are presented and commented. In the second part, the Swedish case is briefly described and considered in light of the academic concerns that have been raised by the British debate. The situation in Sweden may be summarized in three points: First, there are many signs that the infrastructure for qualitative data archiving and re-use is being developed without the active participation of sufficient representatives of the qualitative research community; second, there are many signs that developing the infrastructure takes as a point of departure neo-positivistic or foundational epistemology, treating qualitative data in the same way as quantitative data, with all the methodological problems resulting from this; and third there are very few, if any, signs that serious academic debate has started in relation to all the issues that have been raised by the corresponding debate in Britain.URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs1302108 ; El artículo considera las tendencias de política y controversias académicas actuales relacionadas con la preservación de datos cualitativos y su reutilización. En la primera parte del artículo, se presentan y comentan los aspectos epistemológicos/metodológicos, éticos/legales, ideológicos/políticos y prácticos/técnicos del debate británico en curso sobre el archivo y reutilización de datos. En la segunda parte, se discute brevemente el caso sueco y se considera a la luz de las preocupaciones académicas que se han originado en el debate británico. La situación en Suecia puede ser resumida en tres puntos: Primero, hay muchas señales que apuntan a que la infraestructura para archivar los datos cualitativos y utilizarlos de nuevo está siendo desarrollada sin la ...

This paper examines the current state of immigrant small business research (ISBR) in Sweden, discusses the main trends in the field and presents the key texts that represent these trends. It is noted that research in the 1990s was largely influenced by the current political agenda, while academic communication between Swedish and international ISBR on the one hand, and Swedish ISBR and Swedish 'mainstream' small business research (SBR) on the other were conspicuous by their absence. Besides, only a few researchers in the field were able to conduct their research in asystematic manner or with stable and long-term funding of research teams. The situation has changed in the 2000s. This period was characterized by increased academic interest in immigrants' small businesses. Researchers dealing with ISBR wanted to free themselves from the current political agenda as well as from the focus on domestic priorities in terms of research questions and methodology. This has resulted in a large number of published policy-critical texts. At the same time the research interest shifted towards the previously neglected aspects of immigrants' small businesses, such as immigrant women in business, young immigrants and immigrant entrepreneurship in the high-tech sector. These studies were based both on ambitious quantitative survey and on refined qualitative micro-studies. This critical review concludes with the discussion of a possible future research agenda for ISBR.

"In diesem Beitrag beschäftigt sich der Autor mit politischen Trends und akademischen Kontroversen, die aktuell mit Fragen der Sicherung, Archivierung und Sekundärnutzung qualitativer Daten einhergehen. Im ersten Teil skizziert und kommentiert er epistemologisch-methodologische, ethisch-rechtliche, ideologisch-politische und praktisch-technische Fragen, die Gegenstand der gegenwärtigen britischen Debatte sind. Danach diskutiert er die schwedische Situation gerade auch im Licht der akademischen Befürchtungen, die im Verlauf der britischen Debatte geäußert wurden. Dabei kann die Situation in Schweden wie folgt skizziert werden: 1. gibt es viele Anzeichen dafür, dass die für die Sicherung, Archivierung und Wiedernutzung qualitativer Daten erforderliche Infrastruktur konzipiert und realisiert wird ohne die aktive Beteiligung einer hinreichend großen Zahl an Vertreter/innen qualitativer Sozialforschung. 2. ist es wahrscheinlich, dass Ausgangspunkt für die zu entwickelnde Infrastruktur neo-positivistische Epistemologien sein werden, die qualitative Daten in ähnlicher Weise zu behandeln suchen wie quantitative Daten, verbunden mit all den methodologischen Problemen, die aus einem solchen Herangehen erwachsen. Und 3. gibt es - wenn überhaupt - nur sehr wenige Hinweise darauf, dass eine ernsthafte akademische Debatte zu den Themen begonnen würde, die in der korrespondierenden britischen Debatte virulent sind." (Autorenreferat)

This paper presents the life story of a single small-business owner of immigrant background who wants his companyto grow. His business strategies are analysed both as a part of his own biographical work, and as they wereinfluenced and framed by broader political, economic and social processes. It is shown how his own personalqualities in combination with opportunity structures in the local market provided favourable conditions for hisbreak-in. Breaking out, however, seems to be presented with different types of barriers, such as lack of access tocapital, discrimination, and the fact that new markets may consist of different sorts of network that are in its turnmore difficult for new actors to enter. But even if newcomers often find these barriers difficult for to overcome,individuals are not just passive objects but also have the opportunity to realize their lives according to their own lifeplans.

During the 1960s immigrants were normally called -foreigners- (utlänning) in the Swedish press, and were usually described in a way that would nowadays be considered not only as politically incorrect but also as flagrantly racist and xenophobic. This way of representing immigrants in the Swedish media changed radically at the beginning of 1970s. The word -foreigner- was replaced by -immigrant- in most newspaper articles, and the media started to represent immigrants in a manner that resembles current politically correct media discourse. This paper discusses, first, the reasons for this discursive shift, in the context of the evolution of the Swedish integration and integration policy that was initiated at the end of the 1960s, and, second, the related development of international migration and ethnic relations (IMER) research in Sweden. Finally, the paper presents some reflections on the current state of relations between Swedish integration policy and Swedish IMER research. ; Original Publication:Zoran Slavnic, Integration into Vertical Mosaic: Reflections on the History of Integration Policy, IMER Research and Journalism in Sweden since 1960s, 2008, Migracijske i etnicke teme, (24), 4, 371-388, http://hrcak.srce.hr/index.php?show=clanak&id_clanak_jezik=53381Copyright: Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studieshttp://hrcak.srce.hr/index.php?show=casopis&id_casopis=17

The aim of the paper is to examine the current state of immigrant and small business research (ISBR) in Sweden. The ISBR field is relatively new and undeveloped in Sweden, so mostresearch in this field concerns issues that are crucial in establishing this as a field of study. Apart from a historical overview of immigrant entrepreneurship and definitions of the concept of ethnic or immigrant business, many of the texts concern the distribution of immigrant businesses in Sweden.The second important feature of ISBR in Sweden is that it has allowed itself, deliberately ornot, to be guided by the optimistic vision and expectations in relation to ISB that also inform the official political agenda. It has done this instead of trying to develop its own research agenda based on scientific priorities, and secondarily, on results of international ISBR. Another relevant characteristic of ISBR in Sweden is the fact that only a few scholars have been able to deal with these issues systematically, while the majority have simply written papers during ad hoc forays in to the field of study. The final important feature of ISBR in Sweden is the lack of communication between ISBR and mainstream small business research and other relevant research fields.

This article aims to problematise the interpretative tensions of the relationship between the 'Ethic of Ultimate Ends' and the 'Ethic of Responsibility'in Weber's 1918 lecture, 'Politics as a Vocation' (first published 1919). To this end, we will first examine background factors relating both to Weber'swork itself and the later Weberian tradition in the social sciences, which decisively influence contemporary views and interpretations of Weber. Inopening, I discuss internal and external points of controversy in Weber'swork, which is followed by sections treating the relationship between Weberthe scientist and Weber the politician, as well as the fact−value issue.Finally I compare Weber the liberal with Weber the nationalist. My conclusionis that a large portion of Weber's oeuvre has not been included in a corresponding theoretical synthesis. Consequently, his work remains inmany ways unfinished and fragmentary and, more importantly, some of histheoretical statements are open to questionable interpretation. In the caseof the relationship between the 'The Ethic of Ultimate Ends' and 'The Ethicof Responsibility,' understanding of the relationship tends to be based onepistemological and axiological principles in conflict with the principlesupon which Weber's general theoretical concepts are based. More specifically, and setting aside Weber's fact−value distinction and his radical moral relativism, contemporary interpretations of the relationship between these two ethics tend to reinterpret Weber's original proposition regarding ethical criteria that are legitimate within today's liberal political theory and day-to-day liberal political rhetoric. This is in my opinion wrong, because itdoes not allow us, using Weber's authentic concept, to learn more of theless visible aspects of our contemporary liberal political reality.