Suchergebnisse

The article traces the latest trends in bilateral contacts between Romania and Moldova that emerged with the beginning and during the development of the Russian special military operation. It is concluded that since the intensification of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine, the position of official Bucharest on issues related to strategy and prospects for the further development of relations with the Republic of Moldova has not undergone significant changes. Expressing concern about the explosive situation in the region, the Romanian authorities confirmed the preservation of the previously established vector of interactions with Chisinau, which generally meets the long-term interests and security considerations of the country. The basis of the implemented strategy continues to be the course towards a "soft" gradual Romanianization of the Moldovan political class and civil society. The current Moldovan leadership, despite its consistent Romanian-centrism, also does not consider merger with its Western neighbors the goal of the current political agenda; accession to the EU remains its priority. At the same time, it cannot be ruled out that in a certain situation Romania, even contrary to its own plans, will be attracted by Western partners to the need to directly intervene in Moldovan affairs.

The new geopolitical reality that arose after the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine demanded all European states to express their attitude to what was happening as clearly as possible. Among the countries that have supported Kyiv Hungary traditionally having its own special position on key problems within the European Union stands out. The Budapest reaction to Ukrainian events can be considered in two adjacent planes. Firstly, from the point of view of the Hungarian leadership's search for an acceptable line of conduct in the face a powerful campaign of support for Kyiv. Secondly, in the context of relations of this leadership with the Kyiv regime itself. The article is devoted to the main complexes of contradictions that set the tone of relations between the Hungarian and Ukrainian sides in the context of powerful military-political upheavals.

The dynamics of modern Polish–Ukrainian relations gives reason to speak not only about changes in the dialogue of the two countries but also about a partial change in its political agenda. In accordance with the position of the new Ukrainian administration, the historical reconciliation of Warsaw and Kiev may be achieved under observance of a number of conditions. First, the presence of negative and painful topics in the information field and the political discourse of both countries should be either excluded or drastically limited. Secondly, under any opportunity it is necessary to focus public attention on those points of the past that may be presented as a visible evidence of the convergence of Poland and Ukraine. The most convenient and advantageous theme in this situation is to combat the power of imperial and totalitarian regimes, personified mainly by Moscow. At the same time a "breakthrough" in bilateral relations declared by top political figures becomes rather ephemeral in the light of constant delays characterizing Warsaw attitude to the problem of "Ukrainian memorable places" and leaving Kiev with less desire to go to unilateral concessions.

In the paper some prominent features of a modern financial system are studied using the model of leverage dynamics. Asset securitization is considered as a major factor increasing aggregate debt and hence systems uncertainty and instability. A simple macrofinancial model includes a logistic equation of leverage dynamics that reveals origins of a financial bubble, thus corresponding closely to the Minsky financial instability hypothesis. Using ROA, ROE, and the interest rate as parameters, the model provides wide spectrum of leverage and default probability trajectories for the short and long run.

The article deals with the problem of formation of domestic identification structures in which, according to the author, the Euro-Atlantic dimension is not the only one despite its significance. The importance of our nation's ability and willingness to position itself in non-Western societies, in particular to find the appropriate approach to the Islamic world. In no other sphere the interests of foreign policy are so closely and so hard intertwined with the requirements of internal security.