Suchergebnisse

Abstract
In the United States during the late 1820s, the labor movements formed that faced public accusations of being un-American and potentially puppets of European influence. These accusations often came from politicians or organizations sympathetic to ethnic nationalism. Partially in response to these charges, labor movements began to espouse versions of Creedal Nationalism. As a country without a natural nation, the United States has maintained for over two centuries two competing narratives within political ideologies concerning who should be allowed to be members of the American Nation. This paper presents research that continues to refine the history of Creedal Nationalism in the United States, a more precise construction of nation than the more ambiguous concept of civic nationalism. Specifically, the article is part of an effort to refine the usually vague and undocumented claims that social movements beginning in the late 1820s began using Creedal Nationalism to counter ethnic nationalism, using a mistaken or intentionally distorted interpretation of the Jeffersonian Creed of "all men are created equal". While prominent uses by women's and abolitionist movements are often cited (usually the same famous examples), the evidence of the use of Creedal Nationalism in public rhetoric by early labor associations is less documented. The ideological conflict between Creedal Nationalism and ethnic nationalism remains deeply embedded in American political culture and the political party system. The origins, development, and rhetoric of the category of Creedal Nationalism remain important for the framing of models of American political development and current political conflict.

Abstract
The USA as a multinational country of immigrants is nevertheless a fertile ground for competing nationalist ideologies and the consequently competing myth-building that surrounds the construction of national identity. The myth of the 1776 Declaration of Independence as an important founding document for domestic politics in the United States continues to spread through popular culture and academic textbooks. The claim of the Jefferson's Declaration as an aspirational founding document helped establish a myth supporting creedal nationalism, but obscures the arc of the ideological debate over national identity.

AbstractThe tendency for crises to erupt on social media raises the question: How can strategic communication professionals determine the likelihood that these social media‐borne warning signs of an impending crisis (often referred to as a paracrisis) will impact the organization? This study evaluated paracrisis through a semantic network analysis of two cases of claims of racism against two brands, Prada and Gucci. Using interactivity as the lens for evaluating social media claims against an organization revealed paracrisis characteristics, including referencing activities, social tagging and calls for action against corporate misconduct.

AbstractThis study examined the influence of a crisis on relational perceptions and the role of an empathetic response from stakeholders by investigating students' perceptions of their relationship with a university following an on‐campus shooting. Findings show that despite the generally positive relationship, the university maintains with its students, the crisis had a negative impact on the students' perceptions of their relationship with the university. Furthermore, results show how emotions, especially empathy, about an organization in a crisis situation can influence stakeholder relationships. This research helps provide nuance to the extant scholarship on crisis and emotions by introducing stakeholder empathy as a theoretical construct. Results also demonstrate that crisis managers who invest in relationship building before a crisis may elicit empathy more than blame in a crisis and may emerge with less relational damage.