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"Asianism was a "call" for Asian unity, Smith finds, but advocates of a united and connected Asia based on racial or civilizational commonalities also utilized the packaging of Asia for their own agendas, to the extent that efforts towards international regionalism spurred the construction of Chinese nationalism. Asianiam shaped Chinese ideas of nation and region, often by translating and interpreting Japanese perspectives, and leaving behind a legacy in the concepts and terms that persist in the twenty-first century. As China plays a central role in regional East Asian development, Asianism is once again of great importance today"--

Adam Ferguson, a friend of David Hume and Adam Smith, was among the leading Scottish Enlightenment figures who worked to develop a science of man. He created a methodology for moral science that combined empirically based social theory with normative moralising. He was among the first in the English-speaking world to make use of the terms civilization, civil society and political science. Craig Smith explores Ferguson's thought, and examines his attempt to develop a genuine moral science and its place in providing a secure basis for the virtuous education of the new elite of Hanoverian Britain. The Ferguson that emerges is far from the stereotyped image of a republican sceptical about commercial society and much closer to the mainstream of the Scottish Enlightenment and its defence of the new British commercial order

AbstractThis article examines Zhang Wojun (1902–1955) and the memory of his 'collaboration' with Japan during the Second World War. A Taiwanese-born writer and educator who lived in Beijing for 25 years, his drifting identity was full of ambiguities. Although he was one of the key intellectuals behind Taiwan's New-Old Literatures Debate and responsible for introducing many May Fourth ideas to Taiwan, he also played an important role in bringing Japanese literature and thought into Chinese discourse during the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s. During the war, he continued to teach in Beijing and travelled to Japan to attend the Greater East Asia Writers' conferences. Some of his works from this period call for the Chinese people to support the empire and eradicate Western culture and literature from Asia, but many of his writings also indicate a strong sense of Chinese nationalism.This article considers the memories of Zhang, his various intellectual contributions, and his oeuvre, arguing that his collaboration must be understood and contextualized within his intellectual landscape through a research methodology that examines continuities and change across decades of his life and work.

It is a difficult task to narrow down a favorite passage from a body of work as rich as that of Adam Smith. One of the things that has always amused me about Smith is his use of Scottish examples to make universal points. In one of these he launches himself into the long-running rivalry between Scotland's two major cities: Edinburgh and Glasgow. Smith lived for a time in both cities and worked on what would become the Wealth of Nations in what were then, as now, two very different cities. In The Wealth of Nations he makes use of this to develop a classic example of Smithian social theory.

Abstract
One of the most powerful themes in the contemporary revisionist literature on the Scottish Enlightenment is the desire to understand the disciplinary context within which political economy began to develop. Central to this is the observation that Adam Smith was a professor of moral philosophy and conceived of his writing as a branch of that discipline. This article suggests that we can better come to understand some important elements of Smith's thinking if we appreciate and read The Theory of Moral Sentiments in the context of a philosophical debate between Smith and his contemporary Adam Ferguson, a debate that is driven by the pedagogical dimensions of moral philosophy in the eighteenth-century Scottish universities.

Asianism persisted in Sun's vocabulary and his thinking from the 1890s until his death in 1925. Like many intellectuals, and most Asianists, Sun Yat-sen often feared that a race war was inevitable. Furthermore, he accepted the dichotomizing of West and East into different civilizations, but rather than concentrate upon material and spiritual differences, Sun saw the dichotomy upon lines of traditional moral governance. He believed that traditional Chinese thought, given the chance and supported by Japanese economic and military might, could redeem the world of its ills. In his great enthusiasm for the revival of China towards these ends, Sun's actions were often opportunistic and related to his own ambitions for control over China's course. He sometimes validated Japanese expansionism and often encouraged imperialism. His Asianism was therefore easily appropriated for use by both Japanese expansionist propagandists and anti-imperialist activists alike. This article examines the reception of Sun's Asianism in Korea, Taiwan, and Indonesia, showing how Sun's understanding of Asian unity was received very differently due to different conceptions of nationalism in 1920s Asia.

Frustrated with the "white imperialism" of the League of Nations and the "red imperialism" of the Third Communist International, a number of Chinese intellectuals began discussing possibilities for a third option during the interwar years. Turning away from liberalism and Marxism, they examined Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People and began working to promote his Principle of Nationalism as a concept that focused on the ruoxiao (weak and small nations) and could liberate people around the world that were suffering under imperialism. This discourse often centered on the possibility of creating a new form of "International," the International of Nations, which would unite the oppressed nations of the world in opposition to the imperialist nations, rather than divide nations along class lines, as Chinese critics perceived the Comintern to do. This article examines Chinese intellectual discussions of a China-centered "International" by a variety of writers, including Dai Jitao and Hu Hanmin, from 1925 to 1937. The author shows that, although this discourse on a China-centered "International of Nations" influenced intellectuals' perceptions of China's position and responsibility in the world, it was consumed and invalidated by Japanese imperialism, as the Japanese Empire employed a similar discourse of pan-Asianism to justify militarism in the 1930s and 1940s.

The United States as it is known today was created by immigrants who slowly took the land from Native Americans. These immigrants came from England, Asia, France, and Germany. In 1875 the first immigration laws were enacted, targeting Asian workers and prostitutes. In 1921 a cap was placed on the number of immigrants allowed into the United States and in 1924 that number was cut in half. In 1996, a new law was created that allowed immigration officials to deport immigrants that violated certain laws. Immigration has always been a heavily debated topic, however, never as debated as today. In January of 2017, President Trump signed an executive order which made it legal for immigration officials to initiate deportation procedures on almost any undocumented immigrant. In September of 2017, the Texas Legislature passed Texas Senate Bill 4. This bill made it legal for local law enforcement to enforce federal immigration laws. The results of these documents have become the root of heated immigration debates. Local law enforcement is entrusted and expected to protect and serve the community for which it represents. The community policing model is designed to bring law enforcement and the community together, building trust and relationships to fight crime and resolve social issues. However, when the community served is made up of an immigrant population, that trust is failed. When immigrant victims and witnesses of crime feel they have no voice, for fear of deportation, law enforcement has lost the battle with crime and the ability to protect those in need. This is only the beginning of why immigration laws concerning victims and witnesses of crime should be modified.