Suchergebnisse

"Journalist Smith (A Necessary War) grants readers an unusual insider's view of F.D.R.'s political career by profiling his longtime private secretary. Marguerite 'Missy' LeHand, a young woman with a modest background, an agile intellect, a pleasant personality, and remarkable stenographer's skills, began working for F.D.R. in 1920, when he ran for vice president. Smith writes particularly well about F.D.R.'s struggle to bounce back from being struck with polio in 1921, explaining the disease and the origins of the Warm Springs, Ga., health spa that he frequented. LeHand was F.D.R.'s most constant companion during the 1920s, sparking rumors--convincingly dismissed by Smith--that they were lovers. The real core of the story is the White House years from 1933 until 1942, when LeHand helped create the vast New Deal bureaucracy. She decided who would see the president and when; today her title would be chief of staff. LeHand worked long hours but took time to enjoy the perks of the job, including a barrage of social invitations and fawning press coverage. Though Smith overstates her claim about LeHand's importance to F.D.R. and his work as president, she delivers a fascinating account of one woman's involvement in an important administration"--Publishersweekly.com

The Stolen Valor Act criminalizes lies about receiving military decorations. Through the Stolen Valor Act, the government seeks to protect the honor associated with receiving a military decoration from people who falsely claim to have received one. Some courts have held that the false statements proscribed by the Stolen Valor Act fall outside of First Amendment protection. Other courts, most notably the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, in the 2010 decision United States v. Alvarez, held that lies about military decorations are protected speech and that the Stolen Valor Act is unconstitutional because it does not meet strict scrutiny. This Note argues that the First Amendment protects false statements. Section 704(b) of the Stolen Valor Act does not fall into any category of unprotected speech, does not meet the strict scrutiny test for government regulation of protected speech, and therefore is an unconstitutional restriction of protected speech.

Klappentext: Washington DC is two cities in one. It is the federal city of monuments and government buildings familiar to most Americans, and it is a city of homes, businesses, schools, and neighborhoods. The local city, with a heritage little known even by residents, is the focus of this collection of essays on Washington's residential developments. "Washington at home" brings together, for the first time, up-to-date research on 21 varied neighborhoods in the nation's capital, offering a new perspective on the city beyond the monuments.

Purpose
In total, 14 credit unions have acquired 16 banks and savings institutions since 2012; 7 additional acquisitions are in progress and are expected to close before year-end 2019. The analysis of the population of these acquisitions spans the paths of annual differences in CAMEL ratios. Most acquirers have a somewhat revised capital structure and are often benefiting from economies of scope, as well as economies of scale. Since their acquisitions, the acquiring credit unions have become less risky, measured by simulated CAMEL ratios, and they are lending a larger share of their deposits. There is no apparent financial reason to discourage credit unions from acquiring additional banks and savings institutions. The National Credit Union Administration does not need to be particularly hesitant to allow credit unions to acquire banks and thrifts.


Design/methodology/approach
Financial analysis is done via simulated CAMEL ratios.


Findings
After acquiring banks, credit unions are less risky and lend a greater share of their deposits.


Research limitations/implications
The study analyzes the population of the credit unions that have acquired banks since 2012, but the population consists of 14 banks acquiring 16 credit unions.


Practical implications
Credit unions should not be prohibited from further acquisitions of banks and thrifts.


Social implications
Credit union members are better served after a credit union acquires a bank.


Originality/value
No previous study has explored the effects of credit unions acquiring banks and thrifts, which began in 2012.

Akin to a public good, emissions reduction suffers from the 'free rider' syndrome. Although many countries claim that they are meeting their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reduction commitments, the average global temperature and GHG emissions continue to rise. This has led to growing speculation that some countries may be taking advantage of the system by effectively exploiting a range of loopholes in global agreements. Using a case study approach, we critically review the evidence from Australia, exploring how Australia has participated in global climate change negotiations and the way in which this emissions intensive country's national emissions reduction obligations have been met. The findings suggest that: (1) successful negotiation to include Article 3.7 ('Adjusting the 1990 Baseline' or 'the Australia Clause') in the Kyoto Protocol significantly favored Australia's ability to meet its First Kyoto Commitment (2008–2012); and (2) successful bargaining for the accounting rule that allowed carbon credits from the first commitment period to be carried over to the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol benefitted Australia by 128 MtCO2e. At the national level, a lack of bipartisan political support for an effective mechanism to drive emissions reduction has also been problematic. While the introduction of the Carbon Pricing Mechanism (CPM) in 2012 reduced emissions from electricity production from about 199.1 MtCO2e to 180.8 MtCO2e in 2014, a change of government led to the abolition of the CPM in 2014 and emissions from electricity production subsequently rose to 187 MtCO2e in 2015 and 189 MtCO2e in 2016 with adverse impacts in many sectors as well as Australia's overall emissions. The current Australian government continues to undermine its commitment to mitigation and the integrity and credibility of its own emissions reductions policy, introducing a softer 'calculated baseline' for its own Safeguard Mechanism, which allows companies to upwardly adjust their calculated baselines on the basis of their highest expected emissions, permitting emissions in excess of their historical emissions. While disappointing in the context of the global emissions reduction project, Australia's actions are sadly not unique and we also provide examples of loopholes exploited by countries participating in a range of other negotiations and emissions reduction projects. Such strategies undoubtedly serve the short-term political and economic interests of these countries; however, it is increasingly apparent that the cumulative impact of such tactics will ultimately impact the entire global community