Suchergebnisse

Einleitung In den Jahren um die Jahrtausendwende steckte die Stadt Rotterdam in einer nicht zu übersehenden Krise. Oder, wie der Rotterdamer Bürgermeister Opstelten die prekäre Situation seiner Stadt kurz nach seinem Amtsantritt zusammenfasste: Rotterdam führt die 'falschen Listen' an. Rotterdam hat die meisten Arbeitslosen und Sozialhilfeempfänger, die Mittelschicht verlässt die Stadt, insbesondere Stadtteile mit hohem Ausländeranteil leiden unter baulichem Verfall und sozialer Deprivation, aber vor allem ist Rotterdam eines: unsicher!1 Auch eine nationale Untersuchungskommission hatte auf die 'außerordentlichen Probleme' in Rotterdam bereits hingewiesen.2 Trotzdem waren es zunächst nicht Politik und Verwaltung, sondern Rotterdamer Bürger, die ein Bewusstsein für die Probleme ihrer Stadt schufen. Bereits Mitte der neunziger Jahre ergriffen Bürger des Rotterdamer Stadtteils Spangen, der als sozialer Brennpunkt gilt, die Initiative gegen das zunehmende Drogenproblem in ihrem Stadtteil. Als im Sommer 1999 die Belästigung durch öffentlichen Drogenhandel und -konsum ihren Höhepunkt erreichte, während die Polizei – in den Augen der Bürger – tatenlos zusah, besetzten protestierende Bürger vorübergehend das Rotterdamer Rathaus. Sie verlangten ein entschlossenes Vorgehen gegen die unhaltbaren Zustände und die Kriminalität in ihrem Stadtteil und wollten 'Resultate sehen'. Als sich die Situation eineinhalb Jahre später, im Jahr 2001, immer noch nicht verbessert hatte, konfrontierten Rotterdamer Bürgerinitiativen Bürgermeister Opstelten mit einer Petition, die die Versäumnisse der Lokalpolitik in Rotterdam scharf kritisierte:

Contrary to natural born citizens, migrants can have a variety of legal statuses depending on how they are classified by immigration law. Together, such legal or 'civic' statuses constitute a system of civic stratification, from high (privileged) to low (restricted). Recent scholarship highlights the relevance of immigration law for understanding crime patterns. We analytically synthesize this literature and extend it empirically by examining its usefulness in explaining the relationship between asylum migrants' civic statuses in The Netherlands and their chances of being registered as a crime suspect. Logistic regression analyses were conducted using a unique dataset in which comprehensive administrative data from various governmental sources were combined. Four civic status groups were compared: naturalized citizens, residence permit holders, asylum seekers in the procedure, and former asylum seekers whose stay in the country had become unauthorized. The results suggest that strain theory and more constructionist stances are required in order to understand the complex relationship between civic stratification and crime. We discuss implications for other countries.

Contrary to natural born citizens, migrants can have a variety of legal statuses depending on how they are classified by immigration law. Together, such legal or 'civic' statuses constitute a system of civic stratification, from high (privileged) to low (restricted). Recent scholarship highlights the relevance of immigration law for understanding crime patterns. We analytically synthesize this literature and extend it empirically by examining its usefulness in explaining the relationship between asylum migrants' civic statuses in The Netherlands and their chances of being registered as a crime suspect. Logistic regression analyses were conducted using a unique dataset in which comprehensive administrative data from various governmental sources were combined. Four civic status groups were compared: naturalized citizens, residence permit holders, asylum seekers in the procedure, and former asylum seekers whose stay in the country had become unauthorized. The results suggest that strain theory and more constructionist stances are required in order to understand the complex relationship between civic stratification and crime. We discuss implications for other countries.

An abundant body of research focused on macrolevel, mesolevel, and microlevel factors explaining why individuals move across international borders. In this paper, we aim to complement the existing literature by exploring how, within a single country, mesolevel factors differently impact migration aspirations, focusing on a case study of Ukraine. We particularly focus on how migration aspirations of individuals in two different regions can be explained by their international social networks with family members, on the one hand, and with friends, on the other. Furthermore, we explore whether regional migration characteristics play a role, as well as the interaction of such characteristics with individuals' frequency of contact with transnational networks. Our analyses are based on the EUMAGINE project and suggest that the interplay between regional migration characteristics and transnational social contact are key for explaining the decline of migration systems over time.