Suchergebnisse

Over the past decade, some military leaders have made clear their understanding of the relationship between economic development and national security. Developmentalists not highlight this relationship, but continue to insist that the armed forces should assume an important, if not dominant, role in the development process. Such a position is also shared by many nationalist officials. In June 1966, the Argentine armed forces deposed the constitutionally elected President of the Nation. While previous military governments had been essentially provisional in nature, General Juan Carlos Onganía insisted that his administration was the agent of the Argentine Revolution, and that he would remain in office as long as necessary to modernize the nation. For the first time, the Argentine armed forces assumed full responsibility for national development. ; Durante la última década, algunos líderes militares han dejado bien claro su concepto de la relación que existe entre el desarrollo económico y la seguridad nacional. Los desarrollistas no se contentan con destacar esta relación, sino que continúan insistiendo en que las fuerzas armadas deberían asumir un rol importante, si no dominante, en el proceso de desarrollo. Tal posición es compartida también por muchos oficiales nacionalistas. En junio de 1966, las fuerzas armadas argentinas depusieron al Presidente de la Nación elegido constitucionalmente. Mientras que los gobiernos militares anteriores habían sido de naturaleza esencialmente provisional, el General Juan Carlos Onganía insistió en que su administración era el agente de la Revolución Argentina, y que él permanecería en el cargo el tiempo necesario para modernizar a la nación. Por primera vez, las fuerzas armadas argentinas asumieron la responsabilidad total frente al desarrollo nacional.

Students of Latin American political parties have long assumed a strong correlation between social class and party identification, yet this assumption has never been tested empirically in any of the Latin American nations. This is probably due in large part to the lack of reliable survey data; however, even the mass of aggregate voting data has seldom been analyzed systematically. As a result, most of what we know—or think we know—about voting behavior in Latin America is based upon the intuitive assumptions of North American scholars. "If I were a member of the Chilean middle class, I would probably vote for the Radicals or Christian Democrats, but on the other hand if I were quite wealthy I would probably vote for the Conservatives."Students of Argentine politics assume that the Conservative parties, always representing the interests of the nation's aristocracy, have received the bulk of their votes from the large landowners; that the interests of this group consistently have been opposed by the Radical parties who receive their electoral support from the urban middle classes; and that the more recently formed Peronist parties have championed the cause of, and been supported at the polls by, the industrial workers. It is the purpose of this article to test these assumptions, primarily through analysis of aggregate voting data, but also by examining the social backgrounds of party leaders and their actions while in power.

"February 1968." ; "Prepared for the conference on Political Parties and the Search for Institutional Stability in Latin America, held at the State University of New York at Buffalo, March 21-22, 1968." ; Bibliography: leaves [51]-55. ; Mode of access: Internet.