Suchergebnisse

In this text, the gender dimension of low fertility is considered on the basis of the relevant literature and statistical data regarding the impact of employment on reproductive behaviour in postmodern societies. A review of fertility rates and employment rates of women with young children from 2010 onwards leads to several interesting observations. For example, during the period of study, the birth rate in Hungary increased, while it decreased in Finland by 0.4 children per woman. The most stable and relatively high fertility rates are observed in France and Sweden. At the same time, the employment rate of women with children aged three to five grew in Hungary, but the employment rate of those with children under the age of three was extremely low. In countries with higher fertility, the lowest employment rates for women with children under the age of three are in Finland and France, but they are about four times higher than the rate in Hungary. During the observed period, the employment of mothers remained stable at a relatively high level in Sweden, Norway, and the Netherlands, without differences in female employment according to the age of their children. The fertility rates in these countries are relatively high. The results of empirical research in European countries suggest that the gender dimension of low fertility cannot be understood outside the specific social context, nor without considering the conditions at the micro level. Central to this consideration is the link between low fertility and women?s employment, as raising children is still gender-specific to an extent. However, men can participate in parenthood not only in terms of their reproductive behaviour, but also their right to participate in raising children. In addition, this text identifies negative perceptions of employment that refer to the modalities of worklife balance and the uncertainty regarding female and male employment. Both aspects produce certain effects on the socioeconomic position of the family, which can influence decisions relating to parenthood and the number of children the parents would like to have. In terms of taking action on low birth rates, it could be concluded that endangering families? economic status and reproducing patriarchal gender regimes are not favourable outcomes. This article provides a framework for more concrete research into these issues in Serbian society.

The active ageing concept, which implies individual and broader social
benefits, is defined for mitigating the negative effects of intensive
population ageing. It redefines the perception of ageing in accordance with
the positive trends in terms of health and life span of older persons' life.
One of the factors which has certain impact on some aspects of active ageing
is education. The researches confirm its influence on the health and vitality
of the elderly, as well as on their economic activity. It is important not
only as a dimension of socio-economic status, but also from the perspective
of certain behavior, the availability of learning, the possibility of
adopting valid information and the use of new technological achievements for
the purpose of healthy lifestyle. The top ten countries in 2015 regarding
Active Ageing Index have up to four times higher shares of highly educated
persons among those aged 50 or over (between 23% and 34%), compared to the
countries which are at the back of the AAI list. However, Italy is ranked
second, regarding the participation in society despite the fact that less
than 10% of persons aged 50 or over are highly educated. By contrast, Estonia
has only high index in employment, while in relation to the other spheres is
very low ranking, regardless there are 34% of highly educated among persons
aged 50 or over. The first example shows that it is possible to achieve
partial progress despite low prevalence of high education. Another indicates
that the attainment in active ageing can be limited by other factors despite
high proportion of highly educated. It is possible to conclude that in either
of these two cases high education did not impact, but that these
characteristics of active ageing are the consequences of other factors.
Participation in society, in addition to volunteering and political
engagement, implies caring for children or the elderly. It is possible that
the incidence of these activities have more important influence on the
positioning of Italy in this sphere. Relatively high index of employment
could be explained by the influence of socio-economic conditions and the
necessity of working engagement of older persons due to social security and
living standards of households. This could be said for Estonia because it is
placed into the group of countries with lower GDP per capita. The research
regarding the time use in Serbia, used in this paper as the framework for
studying the lifestyle of older people, shows that the paid work is the most
evident differentiation between those who have entered the older age (65 or
older) and those who are on the threshold of this limit (55-64 years).
Regarding leisure time, it is clear that more passive forms (watching
television and resting) prevail. Reading, walking, visiting, spending time
with family and the provision of informal help partially mitigate this
picture. However, weak commitment to cultural events and physical activity,
poor involvement in different spheres of social life, almost the absence of
voluntary work and additional training undermine the concept of active
ageing. Highly educated persons have the most of leisure time but, in
relation to persons with lower educational levels, there is no substantial
differentiation regarding the activities that mark active ageing. In
comparison with others, they spent less time watching TV and movies as well
as resting, but more time walking, visiting, reading, using a computer or
providing informal support. Tertiary education has proved to be a point of
differentiation among females who approach the entry into older age. It does
not only mean more time in paid work, but also less time in unpaid
activities, compared to women with lower educational levels. In addition,
highly educated women aged 65 or over more frequently perform paid jobs than
those with primary education. It is not the specificity of male population.
High education did not eliminate the specificities of overpowering cultural
pattern of gender roles. Men more engage in paid jobs and have more leisure
time, while women spend more time in performing household tasks. Women more
devote to reading books, going to the cinema, volunteering, and the
participation in religious activities as compared to men. Male respondents
spend more time resting, exercising and visiting sport events. However, in
both cases passive forms of leisure time prevail, although there are some
specificities. In comparison with those who had lower educational levels,
highly educated persons evaluated their health as good or very good two times
more frequently, but it has not resulted in significant difference in terms
of commitment to the activities that mark active ageing. The widespread of
tertiary education does not mean unconditional acceptance of this model. In
addition to social conditions, living circumstances and cultural norms,
lifestyle is important as an advantage or a disadvantage for the realization
of active ageing. Lower education levels are an additional challenge in terms
of advancing all preconditions for accepting and spreading the model of
active aging.

Below replacement fertility was the outcome of changes in the education and
socio-professional structure of women, as well as modifications in values and
life aspirations. On the other hand, economic strengthening of women and
encourage-ment of jobs which require greater dedication and more of their
time are important aspects of achieving gender equality. These two
circumstances gave rise to contemplations on the connection between economic
activities of female population and the level of births in postindustrial
societies. The aim of this article is to point out to the positive influence
of female employment on the fertility level, as a capacity for encouraging
births in Serbia. When observing the most developed European countries, it
can be noticed that greater birth rates are noted in those countries in which
there are greater economic activity and employment rates of female
population. Furthermore, a series of researches and comparative analyses
confirm the positive relation between female employment and fertility. The
differences regarding of birth rates among European welfare states are seen
as a result of the possibilities of female employment, reconciliation between
work and parenthood and the division of gender roles within the family. The
influence of economic activity on fertility levels is determined by an
institutional framework of family support and gender equality (Engelhardt and
Prskawetz, 2004, Neyer, 2006; Andersson and Scott, 2007; Rovny, A.E. 2011;
Seeleib-Kaise and Toivonen, 2011). During the first decade of the 21st
century, the birth rates in Serbia were by about 30% lower than in the
countries which had the highest fertility within European frameworks. The
traditional labor division in the household and parenthood produces conflicts
between families and employment, recognized in the practices of everyday life
(Blagojevic, 1997; Blagojevic-Hjuson, 2013) and standpoints on the relation
between parenthood and employment (Ignjatovic, et al., 2011). The gender
inequality on the micro level represents an unfavorable social framework for
making childbearing decisions due to relatively high economic activity of
women. Apart from that, high unemployment of both female and male population
in Serbia is yet another adverse circumstance for forming a family and making
decisions on births. Also, a challenge in reversal of low birth rates are
regional differences of socio-economic characteristics of the female
population. In that sense, the share of economically inactive among women of
reproductive age in Vojvodina and two regions in Central Serbia area
(excluding the region of Belgrade), as well as lower fertility of employed
and unemployed women in the Belgrade region, are imposed. Economic activity
and employment of female population form a positive framework in reproductive
behavior, if the conditions regarding the characteristics of gender regime
are fulfilled. In such circumstances fertility is around the replacement
rate, which represents the highest birth rate values in European welfare
states. Having in mind high valuation of family and parenthood on one hand,
and economic characteristics of the female population in Serbia on the other,
the question is whether the economic activity of women is the area where
encouragement of childbearing to more than two children could be influenced.
The reply requires more in-depth analysis of relevant data, as well as more
concrete empirical and better quality research.

Economic characteristics of the female population are important dimensions
of contemporary gender regime. Thus, this paper focuses on disadvantageous
characteristics of economic activity pointing to the range and the intensity
of economic dependence of women as one of the obstacles to the improvement of
their social position and reducing of gender gap. Statistical data show
economic inactivity and unemployment of middle-aged women in Serbia. Also,
regarding the employed women the economic disadvantages could be discussed.
The indicator of this is a gender difference in earnings as a result of a
smaller number of women having well-paying jobs. In the base of gender
economic differences are characteristics of gender roles, and for this reason
a specific ?women?s work? is seen as an important segment in the improvement
of the economic position of women and reducing of gender-based economic gap.

The focus point in this paper referes to three issues of demographic
development in Serbia presented from the gender perspective. Feminization,
mortality in men and low reproductive norms are analyzed as effects of
relevant behavior of both sexes. This choice is the result of earlier
analyses of gender socio-demographic characteristics as well as the
researches of demographic phenomena from the perspective of gender roles and
gender relations. The gender aspect, as a cognitive concept, implies the
importance of the female and male behavior pattern in understanding
demographic structures, processes and phenomena. The theoretical foundation
was found in the anthropological character of contemporary demography which
focuses on the individual?s behavior in the context of interactive relations
with the concrete environment. In the context of a complex deterministic
basis and interactive connection of various factors, gender roles and gender
relations represent a relative segment of social dimension of various
demographic issues. Feminization of the middle-aged and older population
emphasizes the importance of female perspective, taking into consideration
space diversity. Feminization is most intensive in Belgrade. Among the
middle-aged women there is a higher proportion of tertiary educated and
divorced, and less share of the economically independent, in relation to the
remaining region of Central Serbia. As regards older women, irrespective of
spatial distribution, widowhood, unfavorable education characteristics, lower
economic activity and greater economic dependency are important matters. The
issue of retirement has specific importance, and should be solved in the
context of educated and socio-professional characteristics of women, in order
to promote their social position and gender equality. A shorter life span of
the male population requires recognizing specific mortality factors of the
middle-aged and older males, in order to eliminate the gender gap in this
view. Greater mortality rate in men implies diversity of factors and
characteristics of concrete social context. Part of the response lies in
their greater exposure to risky behavior. Apart from that, the importance of
socio-psychological factors has been recognized, which includes the
prevailing concept of gender roles and gender relations. The asymmetric
division of activities and obligations regarding parenthood represents an
increasingly important determinant of low reproductive norms. Empirical
research confirms the prevailing realization of motherhood in everyday parent
activities and in the responsibility for raising and upbringing children.
Sweden is an example of a country in which the above average European
fertility rates correspond with a more equal division of parenting roles,
whereby the support for coordinating parenthood and the profession is
orientated both towards mothers and fathers equally. A gender sensible
approach in solving demographic matters implies recognizing the position and
status of both sexes and acknowledging the gender relations as a relevant
factor. The analyzed issues are not specific only to the demographic
development of Serbia. Nevertheless, their solving implies confronting
cultural norms, achieved degrees of economic and social development, as well
as building necessary institutional mechanisms.

In this paper, population challenges are recognized from the perspective of various demographic structures of the male and female population. The larger scope of female population in Vojvodina is mainly the result of a more emphasized gender imbalance among the population of 65 or over. There are more unmarried females but more males among the never-married persons. Among the middle-aged population, there are more women with higher education, but they are also economically independent to a greater extent than the male population. Gender equality is a challenge as a factor of demographic processes and as an aspect of policies directed towards the population, but adequate responses for demographic development and social care of the population are implied by both male and female positions. By comparative approach, the characteristics of gender positions and differences in Vojvodina are noted, as well as the space for promoting positions of sexes and mitigation of the gender gap. The necessity for a deeper socio-demographic analysis and empirical research of gender differences as a relevant population challenge are also noted. .