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Quick growth of Chinese economy heralded a shift in the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific. In recent years China's growing assertiveness, manifested by growing military presence in South China Sea, has been perceived as a major security challenge by most of the countries in the region. This situation is not simply a result of the recent changes in economic and political situation in the country, but rather a manifestation of a long history of building economic and political ties in the region and materialization of Chinese ambitions. It seems that China is finally able to materialize its long-time political ambitions in the region. Other security challenges like the nuclear program of North Korea and changing political situation in Myanmar attested to the increasing uncertainty of security situation in Asia which affects the global geopolitical landscape. Change of power in the United States, and Election of Donald Trump as American president in November 2016 was a signal of another shift in the regional security situation. New president following the slogan "America First" launched a process of renegotiating existing security treaties with Asian allies and presented a mare aggressive stance on China which very soon turned into a serious trade conflict. This monograph illustrates different aspects of these complex power shifts and their influence on the current geopolitical situation in the region.

The monograph provides knowledge on the complex nature of both external and internal determinants influencing foreign policies of East Asian countries. Through a range of case studies on Japan, China, Taiwan and North Korea, the authors analyze international relations in East Asia as a mosaic of intertwining processes of globalization and regionalization, interests of global and regional powers, local social and economic conditions, national institutional arrangements, and even personal factors. They argue that sometimes a sudden change of one small element in this mosaic suffices to influence the whole system. Instead of providing a simplified interpretation of the analyzed processes, the monograph tries to illustrate them in their entire complexity. ; In 2009 election manifesto Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) leaders voiced their decisive support for stronger engagement in international climate negotiations. The promises were realized by an ambitious climate mitigation proposal presented by Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio at COP 15 in Copenhagen. 25% CO2 levels reduction commitment was heavily criticized by Japanese opposition, METI bureaucrats and business circles. Despite strong domestic opposition Prime Minister Hatoyama decided to place climate mitigation among priorities of his foreign policy. Next DPJ administration quickly backtracked from the position of climate leader. The head of the Japanese delegation at COP 16 in Mexico stated that Japan would not be a part of new Kyoto Protocol commitment period. The aim of the article is to identify changing factors in decision–making process that led to quick change in DPJ's approach to international climate mitigation efforts. ; This article is a result of research conducted as a part of a project financed by the Polish National Science Centre based on decision No. DEC– 2013/11/B/HS5/04005.

Note on Conventions -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: Structures and Actors in Foreign Policy Making in Japan -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Theoretical Approaches to Foreign Policy Making -- 1.3 Foreign Policy Making in Japan as a Contentious Process -- 1.4 Methodology -- 1.5 Overview of Chapters -- References -- Chapter 2: Central Government Reforms and Foreign Policy Making in Japan -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The Kantei -- 2.3 The Ministry of Foreign Affairs -- 2.4 Ruling Party Backbenchers Representing Other Ministries and Interest Groups -- 2.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: War on Terrorism Under the Koizumi Cabinet -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Decision-Making on the PKO Cooperation Law Before the Central Government Reforms -- 3.3 Main Actors in the Koizumi Cabinet -- 3.4 Anti-Terrorism Law of 2001 -- 3.4.1 Kantei Leadership -- 3.4.2 MOFA´s Internal Problems -- 3.4.3 Public Opinion -- 3.5 Iraq Special Measures Law of 2003 -- 3.5.1 Kantei Leadership -- 3.5.2 The Veto Players -- 3.5.3 Basic Plan -- 3.5.4 Public Opinion -- 3.6 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: History Problems Under the Koizumi Administration -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Decision-Making on History Problems Before the Central Government Reforms -- 4.3 Interests, Ideological Leanings, and Cohesion of Main Actors -- 4.4 Japan´s Initial Reaction to Pressure from China and South Korea -- 4.5 Attempt at Rapprochement with China Under the Hu Jintao Administration -- 4.6 Suspension of Contacts with China at the End of the Koizumi Administration -- 4.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Prime Minister Koizumi´s Policy Towards North Korea -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Japan´s Policy Towards North Korea Before the Central Government Reforms -- 5.3 Interests, Ideological Leanings, and Cohesion of Main Actors