Suchergebnisse

While the topic of 'regionalism' has been well researched & reported in many social science specializations, only scant attention has been given to civil society in studies of regionalism, which suggests a low level of relevance. This is unfortunate because civil society is a dynamic force at the regional level. This study contributes to the debate about civil society by examining the previous emphasis on global- & national-level level processes to the neglect of regional studies. It is argued that the neglect of 'civil society regionalization' is largely a theoretical & methodical problem. It is argued that civil society should be studied & theorized at the regional level, especially the fact that civil society logics are dependent on the sociocultural & political contexts within which they are played out. In this light, it is contended that theories & conceptualizations of civil society rooted in the Western or European experience can lead to misunderstanding of the logic of African civil society. Southern African, since the late 1990s, is a particularly relevant case of regionalism in the developing world. This study conceives of civil society regionalization as a more complex phenomenon & proposes that there are also more pragmatic & revisionist forces at work in its importance. Tables. J. Stanton

Identifies & evaluates three specific forms of regional governance in today's Africa in terms of how they are linked, by & for whom, & toward what objective. A critical international political economy (IPE) perspective is utilized in lieu of state-centric & rationalist-epistemological approaches that tend to exclude the marginalized. Following an introduction, the concept of "governance" is analyzed & explicated, underscoring the potential for multiple modes & levels of governance; this demonstrates the importance of critically evaluating power structures, underlying interests, & beneficiaries. Next, neoliberal regional governance, sovereignty-boosting governance, & regional shadow governance are examined in terms of their respective origins, primary agents, & objectives. The conclusion sums up the various sections & discusses the three modes' long-term viability. K. Coddon

Draws on the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) to analyze the political economy of the new regionalism in southern Africa in the post-Cold War & postapartheid era. The NRA challenges much of conventional wisdom in the field, which is seen as narrowly focused on intergovernmental regional organizations & intraregional trade. The analysis identifies four main types of regionalism in southern Africa, which to a large extent occur within the larger context of economic globalization, neoliberalism, & the retreat of the state: (1) open regionalism, (2) microregionalism, (3) private firms led regionalism, & (4) informal regionalism from below. Both open regionalism & microregionalism (as built around the concept of spatial development initiatives) seek to reinforce economic globalization & market integration, & attract foreign direct investment to bankable private investment projects. Together with the firms driven regionalism, which is constructed by & around large South African business enterprises, these three types of regionalism sustain a particular pattern of elite driven regionalism centered on economic growth, trade, & capital intensive projects in the formal economy, with little focus on development & poverty reduction. To a large extent, the myriad of activities included in informal regionalism from below emerges as a consequence of the negative & exclusionary effects of neoliberalism & the three types of elite driven regionalism. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

Although history offers many examples of international intervention, the post-Cold War era has seen a burgeoning of different forms of outside interference and intervention by a range of state and non-state actors and or many different purposes. This article argues that the problem of intervention cannot be divorced from its external political origins. A significant portion of research in the field shows that interventions have all too often been based on an insufficient understanding of the surrounding context, and on an external definition of the problem these interventions set out to solve. As many have noted, interventions are often designed for purposes other than solving the problems of those described as beneficiaries and targets. We argue that there is a need to rethink external interventions in general and what occurs in the encounter between interveners and those intervened upon in particular. Indeed, determinations of the success or failure of interventions are partial unless they take seriously the role of local dynamics and cultural meaning systems that inform social action as well as the power relations between interveners and those intervened upon. This article constitutes our first step in outlining what such a rethinking implies theoretically and conceptually. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores what can be gained from increased dialogue between European Union studies and 'new regionalism' studies within International Relations, focusing on two crucial analytical dimensions: the link between globalisation and regionalism, and the link between regionalism and the state. First, globalisation is a universal process, and it provides the context for regionalism across the globe, which enhances the potential for cross-fertilisation between EU studies and 'new regionalism' studies. Cross-regional comparison is, however, constrained by the fact that globalisation's effects are unevenly spread around the globe. Second, comparing the EU with other forms of regionalism highlights the difficulty faced by scholars when moving across the divide separating advanced industrial states from developing countries/emerging economies. Strong state institutions and structures matter in the shaping of both national and regional governance; so does national wealth. Given the difficulties when trying to work across that divide, a focus on comparative regionalism should be viewed with both excitement and caution. The possibility for dialogue and cross-fertilisation depends therefore strongly on the compatibility of (meta-)theoretical perspectives and basic assumptions about states as well as regional institutions. Adapted from the source document.

This article problematizes the role of the state in what is claimed to be the "flagship" of the South African Spatial Development Initiative (SDI) program, the Maputo Development Corridor (MDC). The purpose is to assess to what extent the state is best understood as a "transmission belt" for transnational capital or as a "facilitator" for development. The study reveals several flaws in the MDC which reinforce the role of the state as a transmission belt for transnational capital, rather than as a facilitator for development. For instance, the neo-liberal market fundamentalism & big-bang approach inherent in the MDC spells "jobless growth." Similarly, the notion that "good governance is less government," implies that the state is to a large extent reduced to an "investment promotion agency." Having said this, the MDC does contain several novel & positive features, & its problematic aspects can be overcome through some strategic changes in the MDC approach. These may be summarized as a heavier focus on "development," a more pro-active state, & more comprehensive & inclusive governance structures. 1 Map, 43 References. Adapted from the source document.