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When facing the challenge of new global employment dynamics and the demand for the creation of economic growth and new jobs, joint cross-sectoral efforts to pool market and public sector resources promise to make the most of the complementary strengths, competencies and perspectives of different actors. The topic addressed here is the impact that management rationale—bureaucratic and entrepreneurial—has on cross-sectoral collaboration, and in particular how a mismatch in goals and norms between sectoral actors and the overall management rationale may affect joint efforts in terms of the capacity to recruit relevant actors and establish sustainable collaboration. The empirical findings, which are based on two cases of cross-sectoral co-operation—the EU programme EQUAL and the Swedish VINNVÄXT programme—suggest that management rationale is an important factor in accounting for success of cross-sectoral initiatives and that a mismatch risks undermining smooth co-operation and thereby policy delivery.

When facing the challenge of new global employment dynamics and the demand for the creation of economic growth and new jobs, joint cross-sectoral efforts to pool market and public sector resources promise to make the most of the complementary strengths, competencies and perspectives of different actors. The topic addressed here is the impact that management rationale—bureaucratic and entrepreneurial—has on cross-sectoral collaboration, and in particular how a mismatch in goals and norms between sectoral actors and the overall management rationale may affect joint efforts in terms of the capacity to recruit relevant actors and establish sustainable collaboration. The empirical findings, which are based on two cases of cross-sectoral co-operation—the EU programme EQUAL and the Swedish VINNVÄXT programme—suggest that management rationale is an important factor in accounting for success of cross-sectoral initiatives and that a mismatch risks undermining smooth co-operation and thereby policy delivery.

When facing the challenge of new global employment dynamics and the demand for the creation of economic growth and new jobs, joint cross-sectoral efforts to pool market and public sector resources promise to make the most of the complementary strengths, competencies and perspectives of different actors. The topic addressed here is the impact that management rationale—bureaucratic and entrepreneurial—has on cross-sectoral collaboration, and in particular how a mismatch in goals and norms between sectoral actors and the overall management rationale may affect joint efforts in terms of the capacity to recruit relevant actors and establish sustainable collaboration. The empirical findings, which are based on two cases of cross-sectoral co-operation—the EU programme EQUAL and the Swedish VINNVÄXT programme—suggest that management rationale is an important factor in accounting for success of cross-sectoral initiatives and that a mismatch risks undermining smooth co-operation and thereby policy delivery.

It is often argued that new forms of governance, such as market and network, undermine the state. The state is handing over powers to supranational level, the EU, to the local level, in the name of decentralisation, and to the administration, to increase the over all effectiveness of provision of public goods. This paper argues that the state however plays a very crucial role, through representing different paths of institutional solutions in policy making. The main question is to what extent and how the institutional setting and the governance tradition of a state affects the process and policy contents in the field of antidiscrimination policies. Here, the Dutch and the UK cases represent two different traditions of policy governance. While the former follows the path of corporativist institutional solution the latter is known for its state-centred pluralistic model. The question is how this affects the formulation of antidiscrimination policy and implementation of the EU antidiscrimination policy. The paper draws on empirical materials such as documentation and interviews, but also research on policy making in the Netherlands and in the UK generally and in particular in the field of ethnic relations. After a short overview of EU legislative developments, the case of the Netherlands will be discussed, followed by an examination of the UK developments. ; In the electronic version the ISSN is changed to the correct one.

Abstract
Political parties are an important part of the institutional framework for migrants' political integration, but remain an underdeveloped area of research in the literature on political opportunity structures (POS) for migrants. Departing from the POS framework, this article addresses the question of what role the intra-party structure of candidate recruitment has for enabling the political career path of people with migrant background. It focuses on the case of Sweden, which has one of the most open POS in terms of formal political rights. Based on an interview study with party officials and political candidates with migrant background, we identify a number of party-internal factors in this POS. The empirical analysis combines two approaches in institutional theory in order to differentiate between 'thresholds' related to strategic considerations and short-term vote-maximisation, and 'barriers' embedded in roles, identities and organisational practices. In addition to making a contribution to research on the responsiveness of political systems in open-POS countries, the article discusses how the institutional approach can be useful for identifying possible solutions for supporting the political career of immigrants.

Political parties are an important part of the institutional framework for migrants' political integration, but remain an underdeveloped area of research in the literature on political opportunity structures (POS) for migrants. Departing from the POS framework, this article addresses the question of what role the intra-party structure of candidate recruitment has for enabling the political career path of people with migrant background. It focuses on the case of Sweden, which has one of the most open POS in terms of formal political rights. Based on an interview study with party officials and political candidates with migrant background, we identify a number of party-internal factors in this POS. The empirical analysis combines two approaches in institutional theory in order to differentiate between 'thresholds' related to strategic considerations and short-term vote-maximisation, and 'barriers' embedded in roles, identities and organisational practices. In addition to making a contribution to research on the responsiveness of political systems in open-POS countries, the article discusses how the institutional approach can be useful for identifying possible solutions for supporting the political career of immigrants.

Immigrants are underrepresented in the European political process, not only because they lack legal rights linked to citizenship, but also because they cannot exercise existing rights. This situation is examined for Sweden, where a liberal immigrant policy dating from 1975 granted extensive civil, social, & political rights to aliens, including the right for foreign citizens to participate in local political elections. However, voter turnout has been low, & has even declined over time. Survey data on different cultural orientations among immigrant voters in the 1991 local elections, immigrant representation in political assemblies, & immigrant association membership reveal that low electoral participation was related to individual characteristics, but also to social & institutional contexts specific to the refugee groups. Suggestions for encouraging political participation for immigrants are offered. 8 Tables, 34 References. M. Pflum

Immigrants, who comprise a growing group in many European countries, are usually under‐represented in the political process. Sweden's immigrant policy, with its far‐reaching social and political rights, liberal citizenship laws and respect for cultural differences, is often regarded as an exemplary model of how to integrate immigrants in society. The 1975 electoral reform in Sweden gave immigrants the opportunity to become active in the democratic process by allowing foreign citizens to vote in local political elections. This article examines the political and organizational participation of immigrants. The findings indicate widespread and significant exclusion and under‐representation of immigrants in political and organizational life. We argue that immigrant political participation is best understood in terms of a tension between individual characteristics and institutional and organizational factors. In particular, the long‐term exclusion of large numbers of immigrants from labor related organizations is shown to be an important obstacle to their further social and political participation.