Suchergebnisse

Abstrak Tulisan ini mengkaji tentang pentingnya partisipasi publik dalam perumusan kebijakan publik, khususnya dalam bentuk public hearing. Dengan public hearing, permasalahan terjadinya distorsi antara input dan output kebijakan akan dapat dihindari. Walaupun secara substansial partisipasi publik yang berhubungan dengan proses perumusan kebijakan publik atau proses pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan (tingkat DPR) atau peraturan daerah (tingkat DPRD) dijamin dan diatur dalam pasal 53 UU No.10 Tahun 2004, namun mekanisme dan teknik memberikan masukan dan mengakomodasi masukan masyarakat masih belum diketahui secara luas, baik meliputi implementasi metode-metode partisipatif dalam merancang maupun dalam memutuskan sebuah kebijakan bersama eksekutif. Selain itu, hasil public hearing juga masih dirasakan belum memuaskan masyarakat/publik. Berdasarkan kajian melalui studi literatur dan dokumentasi, dapat ditunjukkan bahwa ruang-ruang partisipasi formal yang tersedia di DPR/DPRD berada pada tingkat konsultasi, di mana dalam ruang-ruang itu terjadi komunikasi dua arah antara publik dengan anggota DPR/DPRD. Tetapi seringkali ruang-ruang tersebut dijadikan sekedar alat melegitimasi pokok-pokok pikiran dan RUU/Raperda yang sudah disusun DPR/DPRD. Bila dipahami dengan cara pandang seperti ini, maka secara substansial ruang-ruang partisipasi formal yang disediakan DPR/DPRD tersebut turun pangkat pada tingkat therapy dimana yang terjadi sebetulnya adalah semacam sosialisasi atau pengarahan dari DPR/DPRD kepada publik. Sebaliknya pada ruang partisipasi publik informal, dapat dilihat bahwa tinggi rendahnya partisipasi publik ditentukan sendiri oleh masyarakat/publik. Ruang partisipasi publik informal yang dibentuk kelompok masyarakat berada pada tingkat plakasi, dimana komunikasi sudah meningkat pada tahap negosiasi; tetapi otoritas pengambilan keputusan tetap berada di tangan badan legislatif (DPR/DPRD). Kata Kunci: Partisipasi Publik, Public Hearing, Kebijakan Publik

Simultaneous implementation of the election already held on 9 December 2015, essentially is an alternative system of direct local elections in order to save significant budget of budget execution during the election is charged to the budget. But in its implementation, simultaneous election in 2015 was allegedly gave birth to the various phenomena associated with transactional politics that emerged in the process of election.This paper prepared using descriptive method through a qualitative approach. The data collection is done by using study of literature through the study of literature related to the phenomenon of transactional politics in the election simultaneously in Indonesia in 2015, and its implications for government formed from the election process.Concurrent election implementation in 2015 gave rise to various phenomena associated with transactional politics that political barter, stuffed politics, politics of high costs, and the existence of money politics in voting behavior. In general, transactional politics injure the realization of democratic elections and the implications for the process of the election itself less democratic. In particular, the transactional politics that can bring the seeds of mistrust support to political parties and may confuse its supporters over the choice of a political party, led to the behavior of corrupt government officials, and local autonomy are not positively correlated to improving the welfare and quality of life of the people.

Patterns of business and political relations in the reform period is one form of transformation of the pattern of political and business relations of the New Order. This relation involving actors in the political and economical sector through the actions taken to share the resources of the state, where the practice of rent seeking is done openly in a democratic regime. Rent seeking in the reform period was transformed through regime change, from the authoritarian New Order regime to democratic regime in reform period. In the transformation process, rent seeking growing not only among economical and political / governmental actors at the central level but also extends to localactors. The shift in the relation of power from the center to the regions shifting the map of corruption that was once centralized and then spread to smaller level of area. Pattern of business and political relationships was transformed due to the reorganization of the business actors during the New Order to the current political situation to keep control of economic resources; The appearance of new businesses as new economic powers; and the presence of political/governmental actors still dominated by predatory power relations and clientelism.

AbstractThe Covid-19 outbreak has had an impact on many aspects, including social and economic aspects. One of the government's efforts to overcome these economic and social impacts is through a social assistance program for the affected communities. The provision of social assistance funds in a pandemic situation opens gaps in corruption, where supervision and openness are weak and lacking because speed and wide affordability are prioritized, and are suspected of various irregularities and abuse of authority by irresponsible authorities. For this reason, the KPK as an agency in charge of preventing corruption, plays an active role in overseeing the allocation and use of Covid-19 social assistance funds at the Central and various regions. Through qualitative methods with literature studies, it can be identified and explained that the role of the KPK in overseeing the allocation of social assistance funds during the Covid-19 pandemic can be seen through the prevention, prosecution and education approach which is the implementation of KPK's duties based on Law Number 19 of 2019.Keywords: Role, KPK, Guarding, Allocating, Social AssistanceAbstrakWabah Covid-19 berdampak pada banyak aspek, antara lain pada aspek sosial dan ekonomi. Salah satu upaya pemerintah menanggulangi dampak ekonomi dan sosial tersebut adalah melalui program bantuan sosial bagi masyarakat yang terkena dampak tersebut. Pemberian dana bansos di situasi pandemi membuka celah korupsi, dimana pengawasan dan keterbukaan itu menjadi lemah dan kurang karena yang diutamakan kecepatan dan keterjangkauan yang luas, serta ditengarai oleh adanya berbagai penyimpangan dan penyalahgunaan wewenang oleh pihak-pihak berwenang yang tidak bertanggung jawab. Untuk itu KPK sebagai lembaga yang bertugas melakukan pencegahan tindak korupsi, berperan aktif mengawal pengalokasian dan penggunaan dana bansos Covid-19 di Pusat berbagai daerah. Melalui metode kualitatif dengan studi literatur, dapat diidentifikasi dan dijelaskan bahwa peran KPK dalam mengawal pengalokasian ...

Fungsi legislasi DPR periode 2014-2019 merupakan perwujudan DPR sebagai pemegang kekuasaan membentuk Undang-undang, yang dalam pelaksanaannya dinilai rendah bila dibandingkan dengan pelaksanaan fungsi anggaran dan fungsi pengawasan. Hal ini dapat dilihat melalui produk legislasi yang dihasilkan oleh DPR dari tahun 2015 sampai 2016 ini yang jauh dari target prolegnas yang telah ditetapkan.Kurang optimalnya fungsi legislasi yang dijalankan oleh DPR ditengarai oleh beberapa hal, mulai dari rekrutmen calon anggota legislatif oleh partai politik yang kurang memperhatikan tingkat pendidikan, pengalaman dan kapabilitasnya sebagai calon wakil rakyat, kurangnya kemampuan atau skill SDM anggota legislatif dalam memahami substansi UU, belum dipahami dan dilaksanakannya mekanisme kerja DPR dan peraturan perundang-undangan yang terkait dengan tugasnya sebagai anggota DPR, serta belum maksimalnya pemanfaatan fasilitas teknis dan administratif oleh anggota DPR dalam menjalankan proses legislasi. Selain itu faktor kerjasama di antara anggota DPR dalam menyusun dan membentuk kebijakan, terjadinya tarik menarik kepentingan dalam proses legislasi dalam DPR serta ketentuan UU No. 17 tahun 2014 yang mengatur tentang tugas Badan Legislasi, dengan hilangnya salah satu tugas wewenang Badan Legislasi dalam mengajukan usulan RUU, yang juga berimbas pada kurangnya produk legislasi yang dihasilkan oleh DPR. Untuk itu perlu dilakukan beberapa hal sebagai upaya untuk mengatasi permasalahan dalam menjalankan fungsi legislasi tersebut.

The study of Jeje-Adang's capital relations in Pangandaran Regency election aims to analyze the influence of one capital to other capital ownership process which ultimately plays a role in winning political contestation. This study uses qualitative approach with descriptive method through field studies by means of interviews, documentation, and literature studies. The study results indicate a relationship between political capital, economic capital, and Jeje-Adang's social capital in local election of Pangandaran Regency. In this relation, the utilization of social capital contributes to the acquisition of Jeje-Adang's political and economic capital. Enhancement of the pair's social capital is due to the use of political capital through their involvement in politics and government and the utilization of economic capital as entrepreneurs prior to the election. Thus, the relationship between political capital, social capital, and economic capital of Jeje-Adang is contributed to their winning in Pangandaran Regency election.

This study aims to see the winning strategy of the candidate pairs for Jokowi and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential election, especially in terms of political imagery. Using Newman and Shet's theory by looking at reinforcement strategies, rationalization strategies, inducement strategies, and confrontation strategies. The method used is descriptive qualitative research methods through in-depth interviews and literature review. Primary data was obtained through interviews with resource persons, namely the success team and volunteer team for the Indonesia Maju coalition, secondary data consisting of books and related documents. The results showed that the candidate pairs Jokowi and Ma'ruf Amin tried to carry out various strategic tactics in order to present themselves as candidates who had a populist image, were liked, were honest and had a dominant ideology of democratic-socialism.

This study discusses the dilemma that occurs in PSI between maintaining party ideals by not using figures or maximizing votes in the first election. The purpose of this study is to discuss how figures play a role in the success of political parties in getting votes in elections. The method used in this study is a qualitative method using two data sources. The data collection technique used is through interviews and from other sources related to this research such as books, journals, and mass media. The theory used in this study is the social dilemma theory proposed by Weiten. The result of this study is that PSI's decision not to use figures as part of its political strategy had a negative impact on vote gains so that PSI failed to reach the parliamentary threshold in its first election. PSI was only able to reach the 12th position of the 19 competing parties. In contrast to the results at the national level, in DKI Jakarta PSI got quite significant results. This is inseparable from the figure of Ahok who indirectly influences PSI's political strategy in DKI Jakarta. As long as figures still play a role as determinants of people's choices, the existence of figures must be included as part of the strategy of every political party. By elaborating between party figures and platforms, the new party will get the maximum benefit