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This book reaches deep into the past of the city of Los Angeles and carries through to the dramatic events that have recently received global attention - the Rodney King beating and the uprising in South Central L.A. Tracing the evolution of an extraordinary biracial coalition in Los Angeles behind African-American Mayor Tom Bradley, Raphael Sonenshein shows how "crossover" politics and racial violence coexist in the paradoxical world of urban America. In this first book-length examination of the politics of the second largest (and possibly the most) diverse city in the United States, Sonenshein reveals the surprising durability of the political linkage between Blacks and white liberals, particularly Jews. This coalition also offered a major role to the business community, and expanded to include Latinos and Asian-Americans. The author combines interviews, original voting analyses, and a wide array of archival sources to explore coalition patterns at the elite and mass levels. While challenging the prevailing pessimism about biracial coalitions in general, he also compares their relative successes in Los Angeles to their disheartening failures in New York City. What emerges is a probing look at a crucial issue of politics in the United States: can whites, African-Americans, Latinos, Asian-Americans, and other minorities find common ground?

The City at Stake tells the dramatic story of how the nation's second-largest city completed a major reform of its government in the face of a deeply threatening movement for secession by the San Fernando Valley. How did Los Angeles, a diverse city with an image of unstructured politics and fragmented government, find a way to unify itself around a controversial set of reforms? Los Angeles government nearly collapsed in political bickering over charter reform, which generated the remarkable phenomenon of two competing charter reform commissions. Out of this nearly impossible tangle, refor

Résumé La crise de gouvernance en Californie met en danger les perspectives radieuses liées au rêve américain. Une partie des problèmes vient des difficultés que rencontrent les deux grands partis dans leur gestion du pouvoir. Les démocrates dominent l'électorat et les différentes fonctions électives de l'État, mais ils sont confrontés à de nombreux obstacles qui les empêchent de former un parti de gouvernement efficace. Les républicains ont une base idéologique et démographique de plus en plus restreinte. Il existe en outre certaines contraintes structurelles, telles que les mesures approuvées par référendum réduisant les possibilités d'augmenter les impôts et imposant des limites de mandat. D'un autre côté, les évolutions démographiques ouvrent la possibilité d'une nouvelle base électorale favorable aux investissements publics, mais la participation électorale des nouveaux groupes de citoyens demeure limitée. Le futur de la vie politique en Californie dépend peut-être de la capacité des démocrates à trouver le moyen de transformer leur avantage électoral en pouvoir gouvernemental et de celle des républicains à mettre en avant leurs dirigeants modérés les plus populaires.

Focuses on Latino-Jewish dynamics in Los Angeles to contend that, although shared political interests are the basis for interethnic/interracial coalitions, each group's perceptions of its immediate interests, as well as the ability of leaders to push them forward, can strengthen or shatter a coalition. The impact of demographic changes on urban politics is examined, along with the common belief that Latinos & Jews constitute a new moderate alliance in big-city politics that was demonstrated by their joint support for mayoral candidates opposed by African Americans in both New York & Los Angeles. Nonetheless, it is argued that there is little evidence of a Latino-Jewish coalition in Los Angeles because of vast differences between the two groups in terms of socioeconomic status & role in the civic culture. The implications for a theory of interracial coalition are discussed, noting that ideology & interest are not enough for coalition building. Rather, outcomes of interracial coalitions are largely shaped & influenced by leadership & the degree of trust that develops at the leadership level. 1 Table, 24 References. J. Lindroth

Focuses on Latino-Jewish dynamics in Los Angeles to contend that, although shared political interests are the basis for interethnic/interracial coalitions, each group's perceptions of its immediate interests, as well as the ability of leaders to push them forward, can strengthen or shatter a coalition. The impact of demographic changes on urban politics is examined, along with the common belief that Latinos & Jews constitute a new moderate alliance in big-city politics that was demonstrated by their joint support for mayoral candidates opposed by African Americans in both New York & Los Angeles. Nonetheless, it is argued that there is little evidence of a Latino-Jewish coalition in Los Angeles because of vast differences between the two groups in terms of socioeconomic status & role in the civic culture. The implications for a theory of interracial coalition are discussed, noting that ideology & interest are not enough for coalition building. Rather, outcomes of interracial coalitions are largely shaped & influenced by leadership & the degree of trust that develops at the leadership level. 1 Table, 24 References. J. Lindroth

As cities become more diverse, interminority relations are increasingly important. An examination of the controversy between blacks and Korean Americans over liquor stores in South Central Los Angeles reveals some obstacles to rainbow coalitions. But the ability of key leaders to sustain a nonracial discourse also allowed the conflict to be managed within certain bounds. This case study indicates the need for more subtle distinctions than simply coalition and conflict in interminority relationships and the value of more fully exploring the different ways in which interminority conflict can be managed.

Wahlerfolge schwarzer Kandidaten in den USA auf bundesstaatlicher oder gar nationaler Ebene sind äußerst selten. So zählt dieses Jahrhundert lediglich einen schwarzen Senator. Der erste schwarze Gouverneur wurde erst 1989 in Virginia gewählt. Anhand der (erfolglosen) Kandidatur des Bürgermeisters von Los Angeles, Tom Bradley, für das Amt des Gouverneurs von Kalifornien 1982 wird exemplarisch dargestellt, welche Faktoren über Erfolg oder Nichterfolg entscheiden, nämlich: die rassistischen Einstellungen der Wählerschaft, die allgemeine politische Situation und die Wahlkampfstrategie. Wenn diese drei Faktoren zusammenpassen, können schwarze Kandidaten auch Wahlen in einem Bundesstaat gewinnen. Anders ausgedrückt: Ihre Hautfarbe verhindert einen Wahlerfolg nicht. Es läßt sich beschreiben, wie die drei Faktoren idealerweise beschaffen sein müssen, um schwarzen Kandidaten - bis hin zur Präsidentschaft - Erfolgschancen einzuräumen. (SWP-Hld)

Compares Mayor Tom Bradley's 1982 gubernatorial defeat in California to campaigns in Massachusetts and Virginia. Factors of racial attitudes, the political situation, and the campaign stance adopted by the Black candidate.