Suchergebnisse

Despite the benefits of rebel governance such as increased legitimacy and resource extraction, providing governance is also costly for rebel groups, as it entails constant investment of time and money as well as the need to protect their properties and territories. Rebels, therefore, weigh the costs of providing governance against the benefits in their decision to provide governance. In this paper, we explore the impact of pro-government militias (PGMs) on the cost-benefit analysis of rebel governance. We argue that governance becomes a suboptimal strategy for rebel groups in the presence of semi-official PGMs but not informal PGMs. This is because semi-official PGMs' relationship with the government makes them more formally accountable to the government, which effectively bolsters the counterinsurgency capabilities of the state (and thereby weakens rebels) through providing credible and timely intelligence and undermining civilians support for the rebels, and even allowing rebel defection. We test our argument using data on rebel governance and PGMs and indeed find that semi-official—but not informal—PGMs decrease the likelihood of rebel governance.

Las elecciones de 2019 en Colombia fueron las primeras elecciones locales en las que el partido de excombatientes de las FARC participó. Dada la gran controversia alrededor de la firma e implementación del Acuerdo de Paz, así como la continuidad de la violencia en varios municipios, existe gran preocupación sobre la participación de los excombatientes. En este artículo se analiza la relación entre la participación de FARC y la competitividad de las elecciones para Alcaldía y Concejo a través de un análisis estadístico. Se encontró que los municipios en que la FARC participó presentaron mayor competitividad electoral, pero esta relación depende de los niveles recientes de violencia de cada municipio. La implicación principal de este análisis es que el legado de la violencia, no la participación de excombatientes, es el factor que debería primar en las preocupaciones sobre la contienda electoral.

Las elecciones de 2019 en Colombia fueron las primeras elecciones locales en las que el partido de excombatientes de las FARC participó. Dada la gran controversia alrededor de la firma e implementación del Acuerdo de Paz, así como la continuidad de la violencia en varios municipios, existe gran preocupación sobre la participación de los excombatientes. En este artículo se analiza la relación entre la participación de FARC y la competitividad de las elecciones para Alcaldía y Concejo a través de un análisis estadístico. Se encontró que los municipios en que la FARC participó presentaron mayor competitividad electoral, pero esta relación depende de los niveles recientes de violencia de cada municipio. La implicación principal de este análisis es que el legado de la violencia, no la participación de excombatientes, es el factor que debería primar en las preocupaciones sobre la contienda electoral. ; The 2019 Colombian elections were the first ones in which the party of the former FARC combatants ran for local office. Given the great controversy surrounding the signing and implementation of the Peace Agreement, as well as the continuing levels of violence in several municipalities around the Country, there has been great concern about the electoral participation of the members of this political party. This article shows a statistical analysis of the relationship between the participation of the FARC party and its competitiveness in mayor and city council elections. We found that municipalities in which the FARC party ran for office had more competitive elections, but that it depended on the levels of recent violence experienced in each municipality. The main implication of our analysis is that the legacy of violence, not the electoral participation of former combatants, should be the main factor of concern in the electoral process.

Purpose: Culturally bound communication styles affect the length of verbal and written messages. Legal contracts are no exception. This paper aims to explore the relationship between cultural communication style and the level of written detail in international joint venture (IJV) contracts. Using a database of actual IJV contracts, we empirically test the relationship between the parties' cultural communication styles, cultural distance, and the textual length of contracts. We apply Edward T. Hall's high- and low-context communication construct and find that contracts are longer when made between parties of low- and high-context cultures and shorter when both parties come from high-context cultures relative to when both parties are low context. Additionally, we find that the higher the cultural distance in terms of individualism versus collectivism between partners, the shorter the text of the contracts. The results highlight the influence of culture on contract text length and, as such, on contract negotiation and design costs. This article contributes to the culture and strategic alliance literature by going beyond the assumption that low-context culture contracts are longer and high-context culture contracts shorter by testing it empirically.

This paper argues that UN military interventions are geographically biased. For every 1,000 kilometers of distance from the three Western permanent UNSC members (France, UK, US), the probability of a UN military intervention decreases by 4 percent. We are able to rule out several alternative explanations for the distance finding, such as differences by continent, colonial origin, bilateral trade relationships, foreign aid flows, political regime forms, or the characteristics of the Cold War. We do not observe this geographical bias for non-military interventions and find evidence that practical considerations could be important factors for UNSC decisions to intervene militarily.

We examine entrepreneurial ventures in a post-conflict context to identify practices that are helpful for companies operating in conflict zones while contributing to the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG 16)—Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions. Using emancipatory entrepreneuring as our theoretical lens, we analyze entrepreneurial ventures where ex-combatants seek to create economic opportunities and challenge the status quo of violence, poverty, and inequality in their rural communities. We develop four qualitative case studies of ex-combatant entrepreneurship to identify the activities that enable them to grow their businesses while promoting peace. We identify actor distance and entrepreneurial stage as key dimensions for defining a matrix of relationship arrangements that facilitate venture success and peacebuilding efforts. We conclude with a summary of our contributions and implications for research and practice. JEL Classifications: D63, D74, H56, L14, L26