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The author explores the relationship between the involvement in peacekeeping operations & the civil control of armed forces. The analysis of the experiences of Argentina & Uruguay reveals that this kind of involvement yields different outcomes: While the former strengthened civil control, that was not the case for the latter. The nature of transition & the weight of internal & external factors account for these differences. While involvement in peacekeeping operations in Argentina strengthened civil control, there was a disparate result in Uruguay, that is, the institutional autonomy of armed forces became thereby stronger. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Acknowledgments -- List of Abbreviations and Acronyms -- INTRODUCTION: Myths and Realities of Peacekeepers in Democratic Transition -- 1 Why Do Democratizing States Participate in Peacekeeping? -- 2 What Is the Evidence from South America? -- 3 Does Peacekeeping Reform Military Organizations? -- 4 How Does Peacekeeping Socialize the Military in South America? -- 5 How Does Peacekeeping Socialize the Military in Haiti? -- 6 Does Peacekeeping Help Integrate Defense and Foreign Policy? -- CONCLUSION: Theory and Policy Implications of the UN Peacekeeping System's Divergent Effects -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- Y -- Z.

In recent years, Mexico has presented mostly favourable views of the R2P concept. This is a radical change, since historically it had been a strong advocate of non-intervention norms. This essay argues that Mexico's R2P position has been shaped and constrained by two incoherent domestic narratives: democratization and the war on drugs. These two narratives have led to an inconsistent and ambiguous record of compliance with human rights norms and R2P principles. Mexican authorities, who had been championing for the implementation of R2P, have now become victims of their own international commitments. This Latin American country thus needs to reconcile its two distinct domestic agendas if it aims to be seen as an R2P advocate. The goal of this study is to explore the inherent complex and at times contradictory relationship between domestic demands for democratization and securitization and R2P commitments, using Mexico as a critical case study.

Chapter 8 ; There are multiple options Latin American countries to support and comply with the nuclear nonproliferation regime. At the global level, states can decide to ratify the core treaties and join their supporting institutions such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), the Missile Technology Control Regime, the International Convention on the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism, and the Limited Test Ban Treaty (LTBT). At the regional level, countries in the Western Hemisphere can adhere to the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean, also known as the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which in 1968 created the world's first nuclear-weapons-free zone in a densely populated region Although the treaty is fully in force and has been ratified by all Latin American states, regional support for the nonproliferation regime has varied substantially over time, with some countries choosing to endorse the regime early on, and other states historically opposing it. Empirically and theoretically, it is worth exploring this variation in nonproliferation strategies, including questioning why some traditionally oppositional states changed their position over time.

Chapter 7 ; Latin America is an active participant in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations (PKO). Blue helmets from South and Central America are currently deployed in various UN-sponsored missions around the world. T his picture contrasts markedly from past decades, when military institutions were widely known for intervening in domestic affairs via coups, rather than for promoting human rights and democracy abroad. Historically, the region has been a recipient, not an exporter, of foreign troops. Throughout the 1990s, peacekeeping (PK) soldiers were deployed to pacify Central America and the Andes; to date, Central American and Andean blue helmets are pacifying regions within and beyond the Western Hemisphere. Hence, Latin America has now become an exporter of peace, not because instability and violence ha\'e diminished at home, but because governments across the region have gradually increased their troop commitment to UN peace efforts. At a time when military budgets in North America and Europe are in decline, Latin America's commitment to international security appears to be rising. This could signify a new era for regional security affairs, with Latin American states increasingly engaged in world politics and the armed forces exposed to globalizing trends.

Brasil comparte su frontera con 10 paises: Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Guyana Francesa, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Surinam, Uruguay y Venezuela. Si bien han existido tensiones y confrontaciones politicas entre los vecinos, hasta ahora el llamado coloso del sur no han tenido que enfrentarse belicamente con ninguno de esos paises. ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Chapter 3 ; In recent years, violence, caused by turf wars between drug cartels and the government's offensive launch against them, became distressingly familiar in Mexico.