""Paradoxes of Emancipation" examines the formation of political subjectivity against the backdrop of austerity in the Greece of crisis. By following the narrative accounts of participants of the 2011 occupation of Syntagma Square, this book provides an inquiry into the ways in which the social imaginary of capitalism changes in times of crisis"--
This monograph offers a diachronic analysis of the development of street protests in Egypt that led to the downfall of Mubarak in 2011. It shows how the January 25 uprising was the culminating episode of negotiating power relations in a series of five consecutive contentious cycles since 2000.
Radical critique and praxis today face an unprecedented challenge because neoliberal rationalities partly succeeded in encroaching upon emancipatory ambitions. On the one hand, as critical sociology informs us, this is because many of the utilitarian tenets of neoliberal rationalities have become naturalized in everyday conduct. On the other hand, as pragmatic sociology shows, because neoliberalism has succeeded in incorporating critical activity into its mode of functioning, challenging neoliberalism comes at the cost of its partial reproduction. Against this backdrop, the goal of this article is to reconsider both the role of critique in neoliberalism and the mode of inquiry of critique, in order to map out an 'alter-neoliberal analysis': a normative mode of critical inquiry that seeks to discover what would need to be the case for a future beyond neoliberalism to be conceivable. Building on the inferential logic of abduction, alter-neoliberal analysis (1) defamiliarizes the opaque ways in which neoliberal rationalities encroach upon practices, so as to (2) critique them in ways that curtail their reproduction and (3) radically imagine politico-epistemological positions that are unintelligible to neoliberal rationalities.
The ascent of neoliberalism and informational capitalism has been largely successful in privatizing and re-regulating state-subject-market relations in ways that treat them "as if" they are a market situation. Here, we observe both the increasing commodification of digital forms of knowledge, as well as the commodification of the access to this knowledge. As predominantly non-commercial spaces, libraries serve the vital function of deflecting these developments. In this article, I argue for going one step further and imagining libraries as institutionalized and pedagogical spaces that can negotiate and transgress their institutional limits vis-à-vis public and private resources, discourses, policies, and technologies for the purpose of furthering the commons. In so doing, libraries serve as alter-neoliberal pedagogies, which democratize the construction and deconstruction of knowledge, as well as the access to them. Here, alternative literacies, ways of learning, and ways of being can be prefigured in practice. In imagining these conceptual potentialities of academic and public libraries, this article sets forth an initial agenda toward the commoning library.
The ascent of neoliberalism and informational capitalism has been largely successful in privatizing and re-regulating state-subject-market relations in ways that treat them "as if" they are a market situation. Here, we observe both the increasing commodification of digital forms of knowledge, as well as the commodification of the access to this knowledge. As predominantly non-commercial spaces, libraries serve the vital function of deflecting these developments. In this article, I argue for going one step further and imagining libraries as institutionalized and pedagogical spaces that can negotiate and transgress their institutional limits vis-à-vis public and private resources, discourses, policies, and technologies for the purpose of furthering the commons. In so doing, libraries serve as alter-neoliberal pedagogies, which democratize the construction and deconstruction of knowledge, as well as the access to them. Here, alternative literacies, ways of learning, and ways of being can be prefigured in practice. In imagining these conceptual potentialities of academic and public libraries, this article sets forth an initial agenda toward the commoning library.
This article examines the formation of political subjectivity in times of neoliberalization and crisis. It does so by following the meaning-making practices of Penelope, a participant of the 2011 Syntagma Square occupation in Athens. The Syntagma Square encampment was at the heart of Greece's anti-austerity movement. Prior to this experience, Penelope says she 'wasn't the most sophisticated person' politically, yet that she 'changed' for the better precisely because of her participation. What does Penelope aspire to and what does she demarcate her self from against the backdrop of austerity neoliberalism, crisis, and her experience in the square? And what remains of her participation experience years on with regard to subjectivity? This article claims that the relationship between subject formation and emancipation under neoliberalism is paradoxical: in her effort to overcome neoliberal rationalities in Greece, Penelope is also unwittingly reproducing them. In disentangling this paradox, this article concludes with a theorization of what I call 'alter-neoliberal critique': against and beyond neoliberalism.
Die COVID-19-Pandemie hat alle europäischen Länder in eine Krise gestürzt, mit der sie unterschiedlich umgegangen sind. Relativ wenig beachtet wurden die Reaktionen und politischen Entwicklungen in Griechenland. Dabei sind sie aus zwei Gründen interessant: Zunächst ist Griechenland von einer über zehn Jahre andauernden Austeritätspolitik schwer gezeichnet, welche die öffentliche Daseinsvorsorge im Namen der wiederherzustellenden Wettbewerbsfähigkeit seiner nationalen Ökonomie dramatisch auszehrte. Deshalb begleitete COVID-19 von Beginn an die Befürchtung, das Virus werde eine in Griechenland bereits existierende Ausnahmesituation drastisch verschärfen. Faktisch verzeichnete das Land jedoch vergleichsweise wenige Virusinfektionen und Todesfälle. Also ließen es sich gewisse Beobachter*innen nicht nehmen, die vormalige Bête noire Europas aufgrund seiner Pandemiestrategien von einem "failed state" zum "Musterschüler" zu promovieren. Immerhin schloss der griechische Premierminister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Mitglied der rechtskonservativen Partei Nea Demokratia, bereits Ende Februar, das heißt zu einem Zeitpunkt, an dem kaum ein anderes europäisches Land Maßnahmen zur Pandemiebekämpfung ergriffen hatte, die Schulen und stimmte die Bevölkerung darauf ein, dass sich Griechenland "im Krieg" mit dem Virus befinde. Diese frühzeitige Strategie einer Versicherheitlichung der Krise soll im Folgenden näher betrachtet werden: Wie zu zeigen sein wird, operiert sie mit einer Tendenz zur Ökonomisierung der Pandemie, die eine öffentliche Diskussion der Maßnahmen sowohl unter ethischen als auch politischen Hinsichten von vornherein stark eingrenzt.
On January 25th, 2011 thousands of protesters took to the streets of major cities in Egypt - referred to as the "day of wrath" - to express their grievances and frustration with the ruling regime, ultimately leading to the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak after three decades in power. The street, as a socially constructed space of discontent, had become the central locus of political change. In this paper, I will tackle the question of how and why policing strategies in Cairo failed to contain protesters, eventually leading to the withdrawal of security forces on January 28th. I will analyze the interactions between security forces and protesters in protest events during the uprising, focusing on policing strategies, tactical repertoires, and spaces of resistance. Through this, I hope to offer a way of looking at the politics of territorialization and space production in protest, and by extension, the negotiation of power relations between authority and resistance actors.
The goal of this report is to summarize and analyze key survey findings in regard to insecurity and security provisions within each of Yemen's twenty-one governorates. Before delving into the internal institutional arrangements and conflicts within Yemen's military-security services (during the period prior to and during the 2011 mass protests), this report will briefly assess the most significant security threats the country has been facing. These prerequisites will allow for the disentanglement of prevalent conflicts and the configuration of conflict-relevant (armed) actors. Furthermore, this report will elaborate on the security developments of each governorate for the time between 2011 and 2013. This will help the reader understand the perceptions of survey respondents toward particular actors, police work, and security. The fieldwork for this report was conducted between November and December 2012. The target sample of the survey is 2000. Due to a security related incident in the city of Sa'da, the actual sample size is 1990. All of the respondents are above the age of 18. The ratio of male and female respondents is even. The urban/rural ratio is 28% urban, 72% rural.