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It is often assumed that only successful or effective innovations diffuse. Examined here is the diffusion of an unsuccessful protest tactic used during the US student divestment movement of the late 1970s-early 1980s: the shantytown. Two factors led student activists to adopt it: (1) media construction of the tactic as successful, & (2) how this tactic fit with an existing student tactical repertoire & resonated with students' perceptions of South Africa. These factors led students to adopt it without attaining information about its effectiveness to actually force university divestment. 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

This book examines anti-corporate activism in the United States, including analysis of anti-corporate challenges associated with social movements as diverse as the Civil Rights Movement and the Dolphin-safe Tuna Movement. Using a unique dataset of protest events in the United States, the book shows that anti-corporate activism is primarily about corporate policies, products, and negligence. Although activists have always been distrustful of corporations and sought to change them, until the 1970s and 1980s, this was primarily accomplished via seeking government regulation of corporations or via organized labor. Sarah A. Soule traces the shift brought about by deregulation and the decline in organized labor, which prompted activists to target corporations directly, often in combination with targeting the state. Using the literatures on contentious and private politics, which are both essential for understanding anti-corporate activism, the book provides a nuanced understanding of the changing focal points of activism directed at corporations

This book examines anti-corporate activism in the United States, including analysis of anti-corporate challenges associated with social movements as diverse as the Civil Rights Movement and the Dolphin-safe Tuna Movement. Using a unique dataset of protest events in the United States, the book shows that anti-corporate activism is primarily about corporate policies, products, and negligence. Although activists have always been distrustful of corporations and sought to change them, until the 1970s and 1980s, this was primarily accomplished via seeking government regulation of corporations or via organized labor. Sarah A. Soule traces the shift brought about by deregulation and the decline in organized labor, which prompted activists to target corporations directly, often in combination with targeting the state. Using the literatures on contentious and private politics, which are both essential for understanding anti-corporate activism, the book provides a nuanced understanding of the changing focal points of activism directed at corporations

We examine the effect of public protest on policy by considering how protests may matter to lawmakers. Research on this topic suggests that protest signals information to lawmakers about citizen preferences. Empirical work finds that the strength of the signal sent by protest can influence its effectiveness in achieving desired policy goals. We build on this insight by arguing that signal clarity is also important. Public protests sending focused and clear messages to lawmakers are more likely to impact policy than protests with unfocused messages. Using data on women's protests from 1961–1995, we confirm past findings on the importance of signal strength and find support for our new argument about the importance of signal clarity.

To explain varying levels of collective action by social movement organizations in the United States operating during the height of the 1960s protest cycle, this article examines social movement sector-level dynamics alongside indicators of resources and political opportunities. Drawing on hypotheses from neoinstitutional, organizational ecology, and embeddedness perspectives, the paper emphasizes the importance of understanding the sector-level dynamics of legitimacy, competition, and embeddedness when explaining levels of collective action. Results show strong support for neoinstitutional, organizational ecology, and embeddedness theories, but more mixed support for arguments about how political opportunities and resources affect levels of collective action by social movement organizations.

Most scholars of social movements agree that since the 1960s protest policing in the United States has decreased in severity. Yet this characterization runs counter to sociolegal arguments that virtually all forms of state social control have become more forceful. We maintain that both of these arguments obfuscate what is really of essence to policing of protest: the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police. We examine U.S. protest policing over the 1960-1990 period and show that while it is generally true that aggressive policing is less likely following the 1960s, threatening protests are always policed aggressively, regardless of the period. The findings suggest that general claims about the increasing or decreasing severity of policing over time are less useful than are arguments about the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police officers.

Most scholars of social movements agree that since the 1960s protest policing in the United States has decreased in severity. Yet this characterization runs counter to sociolegal arguments that virtually all forms of state social control have become more forceful. We maintain that both of these arguments obfuscate what is really of essence to policing of protest: the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police. We examine U.S. protest policing over the 1960-1990 period and show that while it is generally true that aggressive policing is less likely following the 1960s, threatening protests are always policed aggressively, regardless of the period. The findings suggest that general claims about the increasing or decreasing severity of policing over time are less useful than are arguments about the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police officers. Adapted from the source document.

To explain varying levels of collective action by social movement organizations in the United States operating during the height of the 1960s protest cycle, this article examines social movement sector-level dynamics alongside indicators of resources and political opportunities. Drawing on hypotheses from neoinstitutional, organizational ecology, and embeddedness perspectives, the paper emphasizes the importance of understanding the sector-level dynamics of legitimacy, competition, and embeddedness when explaining levels of collective action. Results show strong support for neoinstitutional, organizational ecology, and embeddedness theories, but more mixed support for arguments about how political opportunities and resources affect levels of collective action by social movement organizations. Adapted from the source document.

Existing explanations of repression and the policing of protest focus on the interests of political elites, with research indicating that a chief predictor of state repression is the level of threat protesters pose to elite interests. However, prior research has only paid sporadic attention to how the institutional and organizational characteristics of local law enforcement agencies shape the character of protest policing. This article addresses this significant theoretical gap by developing a police-centered, or "blue," approach to protest policing. Using data on the policing of public protest events in New York State between 1968 and 1973, this article finds support for the blue approach. Specifically, the situational threats posed by protesters to those agents who actually perform repression-local police-are critical predictors of police presence and action. Results also show some residual support for the role of elite threats in structuring repression.

Existing explanations of repression & the policing of protest focus on the interests of political elites. with research indicating that a chief predictor of state repression is the level of threat protesters pose to elite interests. However, prior research has only paid sporadic attention to how the institutional & organizational characteristics of local law enforcement agencies shape the character of protest policing. This article addresses this significant theoretical gap by developing a police-centered, or "blue," approach to protest policing. Using data on the policing of public protest events in New York State between 1968 & 1973. this article finds support for the blue approach. Specifically. the situational threats posed by protesters to those agents who actually perform repression-local police-are critical predictors of police presence & action. Results also show some residual support for the role of elite threats in structuring repression. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

In an attempt to make sense of shifts in the social movement sector and its relationship to conventional politics over the past forty years, some have proposed that Western nations are increasingly becoming "movement societies." Accordingly, there are four key characteristics of the movement society: (1) over time expansion of protest; (2) over time diffusion of protest; (3) over time institutionalization of protest; and (4) over time institutionalization of state responses to protest. Using newly available data on over 19,000 protest events occurring in the U.S. between 1960 and 1986, we evaluate these four claims. Our findings suggest that movement society scholars are correct in some respects: the size of protest events has grown over time, the percentage of events at which at least one social movement organization is present has increased over time, the number of distinct protest claims has increased over time, and violent forms of protest policing have decreased over time. However, our findings call into question other movement society claims: the number of protests has declined over time, fewer organizations were present at each protest event over time, fewer new groups initiated events over time, fewer new claims emerged over time, and there was more significant activity by groups on the right in the 1960s and 1970s than expected. We suggest potential explanations for some of the negative findings in an attempt to refine the movement society arguments.