"This book focuses on New York City-based actors and comedians who are self-acknowledged heroin users. Barry Spunt examines a number of hypotheses about the reason why actors and comedians use heroin as well as the impact of heroin on performance, creativity and career trajectory. A primary concern of the book is the role that subculture and identity play in helping us to understand the heroin use of these entertainers. Spunt captures the voices of actors and comedians through narrative accounts from a variety of secondary sources. He also examines how New York-based films about heroin relate to the major themes of his research."--Back cover
This book focuses on New York City-based actors and comedians who are self-acknowledged heroin users. Barry Spunt examines a number of hypotheses about the reasons why actors and comedians use heroin as well as the impact of heroin on performance, creativity, and career trajectory. A primary concern of the book is the role that subculture and identity play in helping us to understand the heroin use of these entertainers. Spunt captures the voices of actors and comedians through narrative accounts from a variety of secondary sources. He also examines how New York-based films about heroin relate to the major themes of his research.
We examined heroin use among 15 White middle-class women using data from in-depth qualitative interviews and ethnographic observation between May 1996 and April 1999. These women represent a subsample of a diverse group of 550 in an ethnographic study of heroin use and dealing in New York City. Our analysis is organized into four sections: (1) a demographic sketch, (2) the first time, (3) mode of administration and patterns of use, and (4) heroin in the medicine cabinet. Heroin use among these women was not related to poverty or lack of opportunity, social disenfranchisement, defective or addictive personalities, childhood trauma, or seeking membership into deviant subcultures. While some of these discourses of adversity and thrill seeking may have surfaced in individual stories, the dominant theme that emerged from the data was that of active struggles around identity, struggles over who and how one does and does not want to be.
Much prior research has looked at the changes in criminal activity of narcotics addicts when they enter methadone maintenance treatment programs. Because of the special nature of methadone, a drug which produces a cross-tolerance to other opiates in the user making continued heroin use difficult, the methadone treatment population has also been examined for answers to basic questions about the relationship between drug use and crime. This paper draws on interviews and ethnographic data collection with 368 methadone maintenance clients and 142 narcotics users not currently in treatment to explore the relationship between drug use and criminal activity. Results indicate that methadone clients are not only less involved in criminal activity than users not in treatment, but also among those clients who do continue criminal activity, there is less involvement in more serious crimes such as robbery, burglary, or dealing heroin and cocaine. The differences between those in treatment and those not in treatment are not a function of a lower level or criminal activity prior to treatment, but relate to being in treatment. Methadone clients who continue to commit crime are either clients continuing to use heroin and/or cocaine or clients for whom crime is an income or an income supplement.
In 1989 and 1990 interviews were conducted with 268 homicide offenders incarcerated in New York State correctional facilities for homicides that occurred in 1984. The primary purpose of these interviews was to obtain the offenders' own perspectives as to the drug relatedness of these homicides. In this article we report on data obtained during these interviews focusing on the relationship between alcohol and homicide. We show how interviews with prison inmates overcome some of the problems that exist with studies of the alcohol-homicide connection that rely on official record data. Among our findings are that 19% of the homicides were reported to be related to alcohol use, that the majority of these cases involved arguments or disputes, and that in about half of these cases the respondent was high on at least one other substance. We also examine the "alcohol-related" cases from the perspective of a tripartite conceptual framework that specifies the variety of ways that drugs and violence can be related. The methodological and policy implications of our findings are also discussed.
This paper examines the cocaine-violence relationship among samples of male and female street drug users using volume of cocaine use as the primary independent variable. Data derive from two ethnographic studies undertaken on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. Subjects were studied as both perpetrators and victims of violence. The research was guided by a tripartite conceptual model of the general relationship between drugs and violence. A number of significant differences between males and females are identified and discussed. These findings, together with those of a previous analysis of the relationship between frequency of cocaine use and violence, provide evidence of the complexity of the drugs-violence relationship in general, and cocaine-violence relationships specifically.
This paper examines the nature and extent of methadone diversion, drawing on interviews and ethnographic data collection with methadone maintenance clients and current narcotics users not in treatment. We explore the social as well as the economic role of diversion in the drug world and find that it is a more complex phenomenon than the simple monetary transaction it is often portrayed to be. Our data indicate that selling or sharing of methadone by methadone clients, though still uncommon, is the primary source of street methadone. We find that removal of take-home dosages from the client population would have deleterious effects on retaining in treatment many otherwise compliant clients and would have minimal effect on diversion. A flexible and differentiated approach might help to reduce diversion while a singular, punitive administrative approach is unlikely to do more than simply contain the situation on the surface and drive it underground.
