Suchergebnisse

According to our research, hate speech in Cyprus revolves around five axes: a) Race and ethnicity b) Physical appearance c) The socio-economic status d) Political orientation Race and ethnicity are commonly targeted traits; they mostly rely on stereotyped notions of superiority and tend to be cultivated in the family environment. More recently, stereotyped discourses about immigrants enjoying benefits and dismantling national and social cohesion -stemming primarily from far-right groups- tend to consolidate prejudiced and xenophobic attitudes. The study (both in the focus groups and the survey) designated an important aspect of hate speech, which is often neglected. The physical appearance of young people constitutes a fertile ground of hate speech. Apparently, young people are being harassed and bullied because their appearance does not conform to well-established notions of accepted looks. The third axis of hate speech found in the Cypriot landscape revolves around discriminatory and negative discourses targeting the socio-economic status of a person. Interestingly enough, the survey results showed that students of higher income are more likely to express hate speech against others. Finally, a common target of hate speech is the political orientation of a person. In the Cypriot environment this is partly linked to the polarization of the society because of the Cyprus issue and its potential resolution, and also associated with a more widespread condition where extremists and hatemongers have the opportunity to harass and attack people of different views, especially online. Regarding the punishment and criminalization of hate speech, young people do not hold a strong opinion. Although the majority believes that hate speech should be severely punished, yet the majority of those who have used hate speech claim to have done so because they were expressing their beliefs freely.

Après cinq années de troubles économiques et sociopolitiques, le gouvernement grec de coalition, mené par le parti de gauche Syriza, décrète la tenue le 5 juillet 2015 d'un référendum soumettant aux citoyens le plan de sauvetage proposé par l'Union européenne. L'organisation du référendum est âprement critiquée et la campagne médiatique devient le terrain d'une lutte entre interprétations concurrentes du référendum. Cet article est une étude de la gamme des cadrages médiatiques au travers desquels la consultation est appréhendée dans les organes de presse grecs durant la semaine entre l'annonce et la tenue du vote. Elle montre comment ces différents cadrages peuvent être rattachés à la notion de crise, question centrale pour ce référendum grec.

Instructed theoretically by the critical discussion on the media's alignment with the institutions of power in societies, this study examines how the Greek legacy press framed the discussion over the crisis, by focusing on the bailout agreements Greece signed with the troika during the period 2010–2012. The analysis, following a three-step process in frames' detection, focuses on the associations of actors and their responsibility, causes, solutions and effects of the crisis and the bailouts, as appearing in the news texts studied, and reveals a de-contexualised neoliberal discourse articulated through three distinct frames: the dependency, the (non)liability and the austerity frame. The representations of the financial crisis in the newspapers studied largely echo the neoliberal voices and strengthen the hegemonic discourse over the necessity and inescapability of the bailout policies, feeding the 'masterframe' of the neoliberal vision of the crisis.