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THE AUTHOR SUMMARIZES RECENT FINDINGS ON CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS, WITH AN EYE TOWARD IDENTIFYING THE GAPS, CONTRADICTIONS, AND QUESTIONS THAT STILL REMAIN. HE ORGANIZES THE DISCUSSION AROUND THREE RELATED TOPICS: CANDIDATES, CAMPAIGN FINANCES, AND VOTERS. HE EXAMINES SCHOLARLY UNDERSTANDING OF WHO RUNS AND WHO DOES NOT RUN FOR CONGRESS AND RAISES QUESTIONS ABOUT THE NOTION OF CHALLENGER QUALITY AND HOW IT HAS BEEN MEASURED. HIS FOCUS SHIFTS TO A DISCUSSION OF THE EFFECTS OF MONEY IN CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS, HIGHLIGHTING UNRESOLVED QUESTIONS ABOUT THE INFLUENCE OF INCUMBENT SPENDING ON ELECTION RESULTS. THEN HE EXAMINES THE LITERATURE ON VOTERS IN CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS, BRINGING TOGETHER WORK THAT TIES CANDIDATES AND CAMPAIGNS TO THEIR EFFECTS ON INDIVIDUAL VOTING DECISIONS. HE THEN CONCLUDES BY DISCUSSING HOW DIFFERENT RESEARCH APPROACHES MIGHT ADVANCE SCHOLARLY UNDERSTANDING OF CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS.

PERVERILL SQUIRE TESTS THE PROPOSITION THAT LEGISLATIVE PROGESSIONALIZATION INCREASES MEMBERSHIP DIVERSITY, DEFINED AS THE PROPORTIONS OF BLAKCS, WOMEN, AND VARIOUS OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS. USING A MEASURE OF PROFESSIONALIZATION BASED ON THE U.S. CONGRESS AS A BASELINE, HE FINDS THE MORE PROGESSIONAL LEGISLATURES HAVE MORE BLACKS AND FEWER WOMEN BUT THAT THEY LACK DIVERSITY BECAUSE THEY INCLUDE A LARGER PROPORTION OF MEMBERS WHO DEFINE THEIR OCCUPATION AS FULL-TIME LEGISLATOR. HE CONCLUDES THAT FACTORS OTHER THAN PROFESSIONALIZATION LARGELY EXPLAIN THE PROPORTIONS OF PARTICULAR GROUPS.

A NUMBER OF STUDIES FIND THAT CHALLENGER QUALITY IS AN IMPORTANT VARIABLE IN EXPLAINING CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION OUTCOMES. THIS STUDY PROVIDES INDIVIDUAL-LEVEL EVIDENCE SUPPORTING THIS CLAIM. IT DEVELOPS AND TESTS MEASURES OF TWO ASPECTS OF CHALLENGER QUALITY, ONE BASED ON POLITICAL EXPERIENCE AND THE OTHER ON CAMPAIGN SKILLS. THE FINDINGS REAFFIRM THAT CANDIDATES AND CAMPAIGNS MATTER IN EXPLAINING ELECTION OUTCOMES.

The Literary Digest poll of 1936 holds an infamous place in history. Using data from a 1937 Gallup survey which asked about participation in the Literary Digest poll concludes that the magazine's sample and the response were both biased and jointly produced the wildly incorrect estimate of the vote. But, if all those who were polled had responded, the magazine would have, at least, correctly predicted Roosevelt the winner. The current relevance of these findings is discussed. (Abstract amended)

A VACANCY TO BE FILLED ON THE SUPREME COURT IS A RELATIVELY RARE EVENT; CONTINUITY OF SERVICE IS THE NORM. IN THIS PAPER THE AUTHOR DETERMINES THE CIRCUMSTANCES UNDER WHICH JUSTICES DECIDE TO RETIRE AND, BY EXTENSION, WHY THEY REMAIN ON THE BENCH. USING A DISCRETE-TIME METHOD THE AUTHOR FINDS THAT POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS DO NOT APPEAR TO MATTER. JUSTICES ARE MORE LIKELY TO RETIRE WHEN THEY ARE PHYSICALLY INFIRM AND HAVE QUALIFIED FOR PENSION BENEFITS. BUT THE MORE JUSTICES PARTICIPATE IN THE COURT'S ACTIVITY, AS EVIDENCED BY THE NUMBER OF OPINIONS OR DISSENTS THEY WRITE, THE LESS LIKELY THEY ARE TO LEAVE VOLUNTARILY.

The Literary Digest 1936 presidential election poll (N = 2.3 million Rs) holds an infamous place in the history of survey research. Despite its importance, no empirical research has been conducted to determine why the poll failed. Using data from a 1937 Gallup survey that asked about participation in the Literary Digest poll, it is concluded that the magazine's sample & the response were both biased & jointly produced the wildly incorrect estimate of the vote. However, if all of those who were polled had responded, the magazine would have, at least, correctly predicted Franklin D. Roosevelt the winner. The current relevance of these findings is discussed. 3 Tables, 27 References. Modified HA

IN THE UNITED STATES, THE NUMBER OF SIGNATURES NEEDED TO PLACE A THIRD PARTY CANDIDATE ON THE PRESIDENTIAL BALLOT RANGES FROM ONLY 275 IN TENNESSEE TO 134,781 IN CALIFORNIA. CLEARLY, CERTAIN STATE BALLOTS ARE "EASY MARKS," WHILE OTHERS REQUIRE A MAJOR EFFORT. IN THIS ARTICLE, THE AUTHORS STUDY THIS DIFFERENCE IN BALLOT ACCESS. THEY POSIT A SIMPLE THEORY OF PARTY BEHAVIOR AS APPLIED TO BALLOT ACCESS AND EMPHASIZE A POLITICAL EXPLANATION -- THAT STRATEGIC POLITICAL PARTIES MAKE INSTITUTIONAL CHOICES IN THEIR OWN FAVOR. THE AUTHORS DEMONSTRATE THE POTENCY OF SUCH BALLOT BARRIERS WITH DATA ON THE NATURAL LAW PARTY IN THE 1992 ELECTION.

Although survey researchers are often warned against prestige names they are still commonly used. Indicates that prestige names do more than shift responses in one direction--they eliminate the effect of education on 'don't knows' and provide more of a political basis for the responses. (Abstract amended)