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Based on extensive archival research, this book provides a new and stimulating history of international relations (IR) as an academic discipline. Contrary to traditional accounts, it argues that IR was not invented by Anglo-American men after the First World War. Nor was it divided into neat theoretical camps. To appreciate the twists and turns of early IR scholarship, the book follows a diverse group of men and women from across Europe and beyond who pioneered the field since 1914. Like architects, they built a set of institutions (university departments, journals, libraries, etc.), but they also designed plans for a new world order (draft treaties, petitions, political commentary, etc.). To achieve these goals, they interacted closely with the League of Nations and its bodies for intellectual cooperation, until the Second World War put an end to their endeavour. Their story raises broader questions about the status of IR well beyond the inter-war period.

This article examines how the Marshall Plan stimulated a culture of economic growth in postwar Germany, specifically through an international exchange programme known as 'productivity missions'. From 1948 until the late 1950s these missions facilitated thousands of encounters between American and European managers, workers and experts in order to spread American industrial and managerial practices and, as a consequence, to boost postwar economic recovery in the capitalist world. Run by the Economic Cooperation Administration and the Organization for European Economic Co-operation, the productivity campaign enjoyed the support of both national governments as well as business associations and trade unions. While there is ample historiography on the political intentions and the economic consequences of the Marshall Plan, we know less about the productivity missions as vehicles of cultural transformation. Based on first-hand reports and archival evidence from both sides of the Atlantic, this article explores the cultural dimensions of the productivity campaign. It argues that the missions were an important catalyst for the dominant role of productivity and economic growth in postwar German society.

Based on extensive archival research, this book provides a new and stimulating history of International Relations (IR) as an academic discipline. Contrary to traditional accounts, it argues that IR was not invented by Anglo-American men after the First World War. Nor was it divided into neat theoretical camps. To appreciate the twists and turns of early IR scholarship, the book follows a diverse group of men and women from across Europe and beyond who pioneered the field since 1914. Like architects, they built a set of institutions (university departments, journals, libraries, etc.) but they also designed plans for a new world order (draft treaties, petitions, political commentary, etc.). To achieve these goals, they interacted closely with the League of Nations and its bodies for intellectual cooperation, until the Second World War put an end to their endeavour. Their story raises broader questions about the status of IR well beyond the inter-war period.

The academic study of International Relations (IR) emerged in the context of transnational networks of scholars, diplomats, politicians, and activists. Contrary to conventional wisdom, women belonged to these networks in various capacities and, crucially, contributed to the intellectual formation of the discipline. Whether as members of pressure groups, such as the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), as independent authors or academics, they discussed all major issues of IR. Drawing on a range of international authors – including Anna B. Eckstein, Agnes Headlam-Morley, Lucy Mair, Margery Perham, Helena Swanwick, and Louise Weiss – this article recovers the intellectual substance of their work, arguing that it constitutes a genuinely feminist approach to IR. Early feminist IR authors emphasised the interests of women, children, and other marginalised groups, they demanded female representation in government and diplomacy, they condemned imperialism and racism, opposed military capitalism, employed religious, emotional, and universalist rhetoric, and advocated the role of education. Despite widespread male domination, women taught at universities, published in academic journals, spoke at conferences, and organised international summer schools. This article explores the origins of feminist IR scholarship and contextualises this body of thought within the revisionist history of IR.

AbstractThe academic study of International Relations (IR) emerged in the context of transnational networks of scholars, diplomats, politicians, and activists. Contrary to conventional wisdom, women belonged to these networks in various capacities and, crucially, contributed to the intellectual formation of the discipline. Whether as members of pressure groups, such as the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), as independent authors or academics, they discussed all major issues of IR. Drawing on a range of international authors – including Anna B. Eckstein, Agnes Headlam-Morley, Lucy Mair, Margery Perham, Helena Swanwick, and Louise Weiss – this article recovers the intellectual substance of their work, arguing that it constitutes a genuinely feminist approach to IR. Early feminist IR authors emphasised the interests of women, children, and other marginalised groups, they demanded female representation in government and diplomacy, they condemned imperialism and racism, opposed military capitalism, employed religious, emotional, and universalist rhetoric, and advocated the role of education. Despite widespread male domination, women taught at universities, published in academic journals, spoke at conferences, and organised international summer schools. This article explores the origins of feminist IR scholarship and contextualises this body of thought within the revisionist history of IR.

Am 1. Oktober 1973 nahmen die Hochschulen (seit 1985 Universitäten) der Bundeswehr in Hamburg und München ihren Lehrbetrieb auf. Hervorgegangen aus jahrelangen Diskussionen über Bildung und Ausbildung in der Bundeswehr, sollten sie allen Offizieren ein vollwertiges wissenschaftliches Studium bieten, um sie für ihre militärischen Führungsaufgaben sowie für den zivilen Arbeitsmarkt nach ihrer Dienstzeit zu qualifizieren. Neben der Attraktivität der soldatischen Laufbahn kamen zwei weitere Argumente hinzu: zum einen die militärische Effektivität unter den Vorzeichen der wissenschaftlich-technischen Systemkonkurrenz im Kalten Krieg, zum anderen die integrative Funktion akademischer Bildung für Soldaten als "Staatsbürger in Uniform". Erst das Ineinandergreifen dieser drei Argumentationsstränge ermöglichte die Gründung der Hochschulen, gegen die Kritik von konservativen Militärs und aus der Studentenbewegung. Der Aufsatz ordnet die verschiedenen Motivationen für die Akademisierung der Offizierslaufbahn seit den frühen 1960er-Jahren historisch ein und erklärt die Spannungen der Gründungsgeschichte im Kontext der allgemeinen Hochschulexpansion.

Historisch ist nachvollziehbar, warum das Nachdenken über eine umfassende Strategie hierzulande lange verpönt war. Nun ist es Zeit für eine Neubewertung. (IP)